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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


A  Bauer   of  the  Fuszta 


■ 


HUNGARY    IN    1851; 


WITH 


AN    EXPERIENCE    OF    THE    AUSTRIAN    POLICE. 


BY 


CHAKLES    LORING    BRACE. 


NEW   YORK: 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER,  145  NASSAU  STREET. 

1852. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1S52,  by 

CHARLES    S  C  E I B  N  E  E , 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District 

of  New  York. 


C.   W.   BENEDICT, 

Stereotyper  and  Printer, 
201  William  Street. 


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B72.  n 


THOUGH    WITHOUT    PERMISSION, 
I    TAKE    THE    LIBERTY  RESPECTFULLY  TO    DEDICATE  THIS    BOOK, 


Vj  TO    THE 

Inn.  <tarlra  3.  fflt€wfi% 

Charge  d'affaires  for  the  United  States  to  Vienna, 

TO      WHOSE     MOST      MANLY     AND      PATRIOTIC      BEARING, 

WORTHY  OF  A  REPRESENTATIVE  OF  OUR  COUNTRY, 

I    OWE    MY    ESCAPE    FROM    AN 

AUSTRIAN    DUNGEON. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PASS 

THE  BAUER  OF  THE  PTTSZTA  (PRAIRIE), Frontispiece. 

BUDA-PESTH  (from  Paget) 28 

VILLAGE  AND  PEASANTS TO 

FAEM-TEAM  OF  THE  PUSZTA ., 92 

CSIKOS,  OB  CATTLE-DRIVER  OF  THE  PUSZTA 190 

A  CITY  AND  COSTUME  OF  GENTET. 278 


762267 


PREFACE 


Facts  seem  the  thing  most  needed  now  in  regard  to 
Hungary.  In  my  journey  through  the  country,  I  had 
unusual  advantages  for  observing  thoroughly  the  condi- 
tion and  feelings  of  the  masses  of  the  Hungarian  people  ; 
and,  as  no  English  or  American  traveller  has  mingled 
much  in  their  social  life  since  Paget  in  1S35,  it 
is  hoped  the  experiences  here  given  will  be  of  the  more 
value.  The  effect  of  my  observations  upon  myself,  has 
been  to  call  forth  from  my  heart  of  hearts,  a  sympathy  for 
this  heroic  and  unfortunate  People.  I  find  all,  which  as 
a  Republican,  I  had  longed  to  see  in  Europe — a  nation 
educated  practically  for  freedom,  passionately  loving  it, 
ready  to  peril  all  to  gain  it — a  nation,  too,  of  singularly 
generous  and  manly  character. 

Still  I  do  not  forget,  that  on  this  Hungarian  question, 
as  on  every  other,  good  and  true  men  may  differ  in 
opinion.  And  I  have  thought  I  could  not  bettor  help  on 
the  cause  of  Truth  and  Justice,  than  by  simply  presenting 


vfii  PREFACE. 

facts,  whether  they  told  against  one  side  or  the  other.    I 
think  the  book  will  not  be  found  to  have  a  partisan  air. 

Of  course,  after  a  man  has  been  imprisoned  for  thirty 
clays  in  a  filthy  dungeon,  on  a  frivolous  pretext,  and  has 
been  badgered  and  worried  for  three  weeks  after,  as  if  he 
were  an  escaped  highwayman,  it  is  not  to  be  expected  he 
should  look  at  that  subject,  at  least,  as  a  purely  abstract 
and  philosophical  question.  Yet,  neither  here  nor  else- 
where, do  I  think  I  have  misstated  facts. 

In  reference  to  names  of  persons,  and  of  smaller  villages 
and  estates  within  the  country,  I  have  been  obliged  to  be 
very  careful,  for  fear  of  evil  consequences  to  my  friends 
and  acquaintances,  from  our  intercourse. 

Just  before  putting  the  work  to  press,  I  have  to  ac- 
knowledge the  receipt,  from  friends  in  Yienna,  of  some 
valuable  tables  of  the  latest  statistics  of  Hungary.  They 
will  be  found  in  the  Appendix. 

This  book  makes  no  claim  to  any  very  elaborate,  or 
historical  character.  The  author  will  be  abundantly 
satisfied,  if  this  passing  picture  of  Hungary  Enslaved 
form  the  material  for  the  historian,  who  shall  write  some 
day  of  Hungary  Delivered. 

CHARLES  LORENTG  BRACE. 

South  Side,  Staten  Island,  N.  Y., 
March,  1852. 


CONTENTS. 


PAOB 

CHAPTER  I. — Vienna — Its  lively  Appearance — Reforms  in  Education — Conversation 
with  Chief  of  Police— His  Dilemma 11 

CHAPTER  II.— Journey  on  the  Danube — Anticipations— The  "Austrian  Lloyd" — 
Steamboats — English  Engineers — Scenery — Lobau — Gate  to  Hungary — Presburg — 
Mill-boats 17 


CHAPTER  III. — Gonyo — Komorn — Sacked  Villages — Fortifications  of  Komorn — Its 
weak  Points — Gran — Visegrad — Tho  Blocksberg — First  Impressions  of  Pesth 24 

CHAPTER  IV. — Pesth — Beggars — Marks  of  Bombardment — Lifeless  Appearance- 
Diminution  of  Population — Siege  of  Ofen — Fault  in  Strategy — Different  Accounts — 
The  Result — The  Night-scene  in  the  Bombardment — Present  Aspect 29 

CHAPTER  V.— Society  in  Pesth— Talkativeness— Wit— Natural  Eloquence— Chat 
with  a  Workman — "With  a  "  Conservative*' — Their"  feeling  for  their  Country — A 
Saddler— A  Clerk — Jokes — Hit  at  Paper  Money— At  the  Finanoe  Minister — Espi- 
onage— Oppression 84 

CHAPTER  VI.— Comforts  of  Pesth— Tiger  Hotel— Austrian  Military  Works— The 
Neugebaude — The  Town  Hall— Injurios  in  tin-  Houses— Madame  Maderspach— 
"Running  the  Gauntlet"— Suicide  of  her  Husband 


x  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  VII.— Kossuth— Opinions  of  hiin— Of  his  Faults— Conservatives'  view  of 
bis  Character — His  Influence — Eloquence — Instance  of  the  People's  Affection  for 
him  in  Hungary — Another  in  Vienna — Description  of  his  Oratory — Grand  Effort  in 
Parliament — His  Mistakes — His  present  Course 46 

CHAPTER  VIII.— Gergey— Contrast  to  Kossuth— His  striking  Character— Reply  to 
Kossuth's  Offer — His  coldness  of  Manner — Anecdote  of  Lady — Pride — His  last  mili- 
tary Operations — Retreat — Treachery — Scene  near  Debreczin — His  Speech — Motives 
of  his  Conduct — His  Reward — Anecdote  of  two  Honveds — Hatred  toward  him 56 

CHAPTER  IX.— Rail-road  to  Szolnok— Roads  of  Hung-.iry— Projected  Rail-roads— 
Austrian  "Improvements" — Effects  from  bad  Roads — Causes — Scenery  on  this 
Road — First  sight  of  a  Village — Houses' — Fences — Peasants — Their  Costume — Szol- 
nok in  the  War 65 


CHAPTER  X.— The  Theiss— Its  Importance— The  Channel— Canals— Scenery— Talk 
with  a  Farmer — The  Kobot — Love  for  Kossuth — Feelings  towards  Austria — Farm- 
machines — Hungarian  "  Swells'' — Landing— Welcome 74 

CHAPTER  XI— A  Village— "Tracks"— Dogs— Character  of  People— Hospitality- 
Fine  Appearance — The  Women — Incident — Ujhazy — The  Exiles — Affection  for 
them 83 

CHAPTER  XII.— The  Puszta— Permits  for  Shooting— A  Ride— The  Wagon  and 
Horses  —  Indian  Corn — "  Johnny-Cakes  "  —  Lucerne  —  Chamomile  —  Rape-seed — 
Melons — Prairie — White  Cattle—Buffaloes — The  Csikos — Kossuth's  Influence  on 
them — Hungarian  norses— Hogs— Arrival — Supper — Smoking 89 

CHAPTER  XIII.— A  Hungarian  Horse— Deficiencies— The  Farm— Dung  Fuel— Un- 
der-ground Granaries — Knowledge  of  America — "Kossuth -notes1' — The  Crops — 
Fruits — Similarity  to  American  Productions— The  Vine — The  Tokay — Its  Prepara- 
tion— The  Wine  Trade— Resemblance  to  America  in  Climate — Causes 100 

CHAPTER  XIV  —A  Peasant— Characteristic  Remark— His  Cottage— The  Rooms- 
Furniture— Wardrobe— Sheep-skin  Robes— His  Wages  and  general  Condition- 
Effect  of  Manumission Ill 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PAGK 

CHAPTER  XV.— A  Gentleman— His  Comforts— A  Dinner— The  Courses—"  Yankee 
Fritters  "—Popped  Corns — Table  Talk — The  Battles — Ride  again — Sleep — Mos- 
quitoes— A  Preventive — The  Musquitoe-root 11T 

CHAPTEE  XVI. — An  Aristocrat — Conversation — Freedom  from  feudal  Burdens — 
Leasing — Opinion  of  Kossuth — Discontent — My  Journey — Generous  Hospitality — 
Primitive  Village— The  Clergyman — Condition  of  Peasants — Their  Elections — 
Effects  of  agricultural  life  on  Health,  Manliness,  &c. — Hungarian  Diet — Temperance 
—The  Meals— Drinks— Smoking— A  Drive — Visits— Talk  with  Farmers — Supper 
with  Peasants — Speeches — Toasts 123 

CHAPTEE  XVII.— The  hopes  for  Freedom— The  Jazygcs  and  Cuman  ians— Their 
Origin — History — Number — Religion — Political  Position — Democracy — Government 
— Elections  for  Officers — All  Equal — Privileges — Burdens 136 

CHAPTER  XVIIL— Haiduck-tribe — Clergyman— Vino  Garden— Conversation— Ac- 
counts of  Kossuth — Superstitions  about  him — A  Martial  Population — Kindness  of 
an  old  Woman — Russians — Feelings  towards  them — Incident — Talk  between  a  Rus- 
sian Officer  and  the  Clergyman — Haynau — His  Farm 141 

CHAPTER  XIX— Haiducks— Church  Service— Religious  Character  of  the  Nation— 
"  The  Magyar  God'' — Incident  near  Debreczin — Bibles — English  Mission — Jews — 
Origin  of  Haiducks— Their  Political  Eights— Gevernment— Right  of  "Veto"— 
Effects— Their  Soldiers— The  Number 147 

CHAPTEE  XX.— The  Peasants— Eelation  of  Hungary  to  Austria— Feudalism— Serf- 
dom— Number  of  Peasants — Size  of  Farms— Feudal  Eents — Burdens — Taxes — 
Tithes— Effects  on  the  Peasants— Their  Privileges— Rights— Wallach-Bauer 156 

CHAPTER  XXI.— The  Peasants- Of  the  Magyars— Serfdom  in  Siebenburgen— 
Effects  there  of  Manumission — Value  of  Feudal  Labor  in  Hungary — Efforts  of 
'•  Emancipation  Party"— Obstacles — Bill  passed  in  Session  of  1S32 — Privileges  of  the 
Peasant— Act  of  Parliament  in  1843 164 

CHAPTER  XXIL— An  Attention—A  Village  Belle— Appearance  of  Ladies— Wal- 
lach  Villages — Physique  of  Wallachs — Costume — Origin — Religion — Superstition — 
Number — Wallachs  of  Transylvania — Contests  witli  Hungarians— Act  of  Parlia- 
ment in  July — Speech  of  Szemere — ''Nationality  Question  "—Language — Their 
present  feeling  towards  Austria — German  Villages— Number — Colonizing 174 


xii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  XXIII.— Hide  on  the  Puszta— Grandeur  of  Scenery— Monotony— Influ- 
ence on  National  Character — Exaggerated  Feeling — Monotheism — Nomad  Ten- 
dencies— Cattle  Drivers — Bobbers — Their  Daring — Cattle — Hogs —Sheep — Export 
of  Wool — Mirage 185 

CHAPTER  XXIV.— Debeeozin— Wide  Streets— Classic  Vases— Crypt  Architecture 
— Prosperity  of  People — Agrarianism — Socialism — Manners — Greetings — Courtesy 
— Outre  Habits— Dresses — Bracelets — Intensity  of  Feeling — Insanity — Scene  at  a 
Dinner  Party 194 

CHAPTEB  XXV. — Protestant  Ciiurch — Interview  with  Clergyman — History — 
Treaty  of  1606 — Treaty  of  Linz— Persecutions  in  1670 — Generosity  of  Catholics — 
Attack  of  Haynau— Constitution  of  Church — Superintendents — Lay  Members 208 

CHAPTER  XXVI.— Edict  of  Haynau— Objects  of  it— Dangers  to  the  Church- 
Appeal  to  Christians  in  America .' 211 

CHAPTER  XXVII.— Debreczin  and  Neighborhood— Weak  Austrian  Garrison— 
Eeason — Visit  to  a  "  Conservative" — To  a  Landlord — His  Feudal  Rents— Ride  to  a 
Village— Mud— The  Judge— A  Peasant's  House-keeping— Clothing— Talk  about 
Kossuth  and  Austria— Ideas  of  America— Legends  about  Kossuth — Anecdote  of  the 
Tobacco  Law 218 

CHAPTER  XXVIII.— Nobles  of  Hungary— Noble  Stone  Cutters— Freemen— 
Their  Eights  and  Privileges— Injustice— Effects— On  Roads— On  Business,  (fee- 
Counterbalancing  Advantages  —  Number  — "  Free  Communities"— Corporations- 
Burdens  on  Freemen— My  experience  of  the  Effects— Feelings  of  the  People 
towards  them— Kossuth's  Party 228 

CHAPTER  XXIX.— Debreczin  University— Students— " Soldier  Professors"—  Build- 
ings—Hall of  Independence— Unexpected  Welcome^Concert— National  Songs- 
Feeling— The  Airs— Unmeaning  Words— Analysis  of  Hats— Clergy— Harshness  to 
them— Contrivances— A  Walk  in  the  City—"  Crown  Keeper"— An  English  Note- 
Interview  with  a  Lady— Magyar  Language— Protestant  Bishop 286 

CHAPTER  XXX.— Citizens  in  Hungary—  Talk  with  a  Merchant— Number  of  Cities 
—Of  Market  Towns— Rights  of  a  Citizen— Common  Council—"  Rotten  Boroughs"— 
Influence  of  Crown— Burdens  of  a  City— Reform  in  13-iS 246 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAcn 

CHAPTER  XXXI.— Hungarian  Self-Government— "  State  Eights"— Local  Gov- 
ernments— Eights  of  each  State  (Oomitat) — Power  of  Veto — Governor — States 
Legislature — Its  Powers — Its  Independence — Extra  Legislation — State's  Election — 
District  Government — Parish  Government — Village  Officers — Salaries — Effects  of 
the  System — Evils — Eeforms 251 

CHAPTER  XXXII— A  Gentleman's  Estate— Ride— Introduction— The  Family— 
A  sad  Story — Their  passionate  Conversation — The  Dinner — The  Park — Gardening 
— Crops — Supper — Tone  of  Voice — Singing — Reflections — Dramatic  Air — Adieus 261 

CHAPTER  XXXIII.— Geos  Wardein— Gipsies— Mr.  Borrow— Hail  Storm— Suffer- 
ings of  the  Catholic  Clergy — Their  noble  Conduct — Revenues  of  Clergy — The  City 
— Manufacturing — Visits — Conversation — Gloominess— Call  upon  General  G. — A 
Dinner — An  important  Event — Unpleasant  Interview 269 

CHAPTER  XXXIV— The  Arrest— Dinner— Interruption— Ride  with  Gens  d'Arme 
—Search  of  Baggage— The  Castle— The  Cell— Keyhole  Talk— "Night  Thoughts" 
— Trial — Examination — Badgering— Dangerous  Aspects — Cross  Questions — Conspi- 
racy— Proofs — Defence 276 

CHAPTER  XXXV.— The  Prison— The  Night— Reflections— Talk  with  Prisoners- 
Appearance  of  Cell — Chances  for  Escape— A  French  Major — Diet — Wine — Efforts 
for  Escape — Letters — Kindness  of  fellow  Prisoner — A  generous  Catholic  Priest — 
Second  Examination — Another  Dialogue — Prison  Life — My  fellow  Prisoners — The 
Young  Countess — Her  Trial 290 

CHAPTER  XXXVL— Prison  Life— Plain  Words  to  the  Judge^Journal— My  Wal- 
lach  Comrade — Austrian  Policy — Window  Views — Lecture  on  Democracy — The 
old  Hussar — Arrival—"  Running  the  Gauntlet" — Peasants — Prison  Rooms — The 
Castle — The  imprisoned  Clergyman — Tricks — Inquisition — Accusation — Defence — 
C2etz 804 

CHAPTER  XXXVII.— Prison  Life— New  Comrade— Cigars— The  Croat  Lawyer- 
Last  Trial — "  Confession  of  Faith"— Letter  from  Mr.  M'Curdy — Post  Office  Manage- 
ment— Birth-day — Dinner — Quarrels — A  droll  Priest — Rolease — Good-byes 820 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII.— Freedom— First  Emotions— My  Escort— Conversation— His 
weak  Point— Night  Ride— Bearing  of  the  Peasants— Lucky  Rencontre — Locomotive 
— The  Spy— English  Welcome — Hotel  in  Pesth— Diplomatic  Hospitality— Causes  of 
Arrest — Visit  to  the  Missionary — A  Dinner— Spies  again — Journoy  to  Vienna. 385 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

PAQB 

CHAPTER  XXXIX.— Viennese  Police— Mr.  M'Curdy— His  manly  Proceedings- 
Interview  with  Police  Director — Sentence — My  Acquaintances— Talk  with  a 
"  Liberal"— American  "  Democracy"— Last  meeting  with  the  Director— His  Polite- 
ness— Attentions  in  Linz— Diplomatic  Lying — Farewell  to  Austria ! 85T 

CHAPTER  XL — The  Administration  since  the  Revolution — Difficulties — How 
met — Scourgings — Executions — Falseness — Attacks  on  old  Institutions — On  the 
Church — Police  Regulations — Taxes — Old  Taxation — Kossuth  Notes— Tobacco  Law 
—Effects 858 

CHAPTER  XLI. — Austrian  Administration — Tax  on  Wine — Improvements  of 
Roads — Oppression  of  Croats — Census  Returns — Number  of  Magyars — Cause — Ill- 
Treatment  of  Peasants — Neglect  of  Magnates — Exactions  upon  the  Jews — Colonizing 
— Motives — Effects  of  the  Administration 371 

CHAPTER  XLII. — Kossuth's  Administration— Kossuth,  Minister  of  Finance — 
Difficulties — In  Taxation — In  levying  Forces — Measures— National  Bank — Issue  of 
Paper  Money — His  plan  for  Militia — The  Articles — Establishment  of  Manufactories 
— Kossuth  "  Prime  Minister" — "  Committee  of  Defence" — Kossuth  "  Governor" — 
Declaration  of  Independence — His  Difficulties  with  the  Generals — Defeat  of  Temes- 
var— Effects— Facts  of  the  Resignation — Address — His  Title  of  "  Governor" — Late 
Attacks  upon  bim — His  Explanation — Condition  of  the  Armies — His  Motives — The 
Administration 8S2 

CHAPTER  XLIII. — Deliverance  of  Hungabt— Union  of  the  People— Number  of 
able-bodied  Men — Reason — Soldiers  in  Austrian  Armies — Spirit  of  the  Nation — The 
Future — Difficulties — Want  of  Arms — Russians — Hopes  for  Hungary 400 


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BRACE'S  HUNGARY  IN  1851, 


CHAPTER  I. 


In  the  course  of  a  long  tour  in  Europe,  made  partly  on  foot, 
in  order,  better  to  observe  the  condition  and  character  of  the  lower 
classes,  I  reached  Vienna,  early  in  the  Spring  of  1851. 

If  any  one  had  told  me,  a  few  years-  ago  that  I  should  ever  enter 
that  city,  with  such  pleasure,  I  could  not  for  a  moment  have 
believed  him. 

To  foreigners,  Vienna  has  so  long  been  described  as  the  very 
centre  and  stronghold  of  oppression,  and  of  that  modern  "  Inqui- 
sition," the  Police-system,  that  one  hardly  expects  the  very  air 
to  be  free.  Yet  it  must  be  allowed  to  an  American,  and  one 
coming  as  I  did,  from  North  Germany,  Vienna  does  appear 
exceedingly  pleasant.  It  is  such  a  satisfaction  to  get  once  more 
into  streets,  whirling  with  life,  to  see  people  excited,  and  in  a 
hurry.  The  contrast  of  the  busy,  merry-looking  city,  to  the 
antique  Prague,  or  the  quiet,  intellectual  Berlin,  is  most  striking. 

The  common  people  too,  though  the  mass  are  evidently  very 
ignorant,  on  the  whole  seem  happy  and  busy.  One  escapes 
beside,  tlut  unvarying,  wearisome  sight  of  Berlin — the  soldiery; 
and  it  is  a  real  pleasure,  at  length,  to  be  in  crowds,  where  every 


12  APPEARANCE    OF   VIENNA. 

third  man  does  not  wear  a  bayonet.  The  public  Police  are  much 
less  numerous  than  in  Prussia,  and  bad  as  their  profession  may  be, 
they  are  evidently  accomplished  members  of  it,  and  are  not 
betrayed  by  the  stupid,  spying  look,  which  marks  the  Schutz- 
manner  of  Berlin.  They  are  very  polite  too,  which  can  never 
be  said  of  the  Prussian,  and  what  oppression  is  going  on,  is 
evidently  being  conducted  in  a  very  gentlemanly  manner.  The 
whole  city  has  a  pleasant,  friendly  physiognomy  to  the  stranger. 

However  it  is  not  my  purpose  in  this  volume,  to  ejive  any 
detailed  account  of  my  observations  of  Vienna.  I  came  there  with 
different  objects  from  those  of  most  travellers,  and  my  researches 
threw  me  among  classes,  quite  apart  from  those  usually  seen  by  . 
the  stranger.  I  was  sure  that  much  good  must  be  working  even  in 
Austria,  in  such  an  age  as  this,  and  I  devoted  myself  while  there, 
principally  to  the  investigation  of  those  great  reforms  in  education, 
which  I  had  heard  in  Prussia,  were  already  beginning  under  the 
administration  of  Count  Thun.  In  these  investigations,  I  am 
bound  to  say,  I  was  much  aided  by  the  polite  and  friendly  atten- 
tions of  many  of  the  principal  gentlemen  engaged  in  education,  in 
the  city,  and  of  some,  connected  with  the  ministry  itself.  Indeed 
every  stranger  must  acknowledge  that  there  is  scarcely  a  population 
of  Europe,  among  whom  he  will  meet  with  such  a  kindly  polite- 
ness, as  among  the  cultivated  classes  of  Austria. 

Though  somewhat  apart  from  my  object,  I  will  give  here  a 
brief  sketch  of  these  reforms,  as  showing  the  good  side  of  Austria, 
and  as  presenting  movements,  of  which  very  little  has  ever  been 
known  in  foreign  countries. 

The  first  great  change  seems  to  be,  in  introducing  the  Voluntary 
System  into  the  Universities — or,  in  other  words  the  University 
course  is  made  entirely  free  to  all  who  enter,  and  every  student  can 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  13 

choose  his  own  branches  for  study.  Then  no  examinations  are 
required  between  the  different  sessions,  so  that  there  may  be  no 
mere  cramming;  but  a  grand  public  examination  is  held  at  the 
end  of  the  four  years'  course,  in  which  not  so  much  memorising  is 
demanded  as  a  general,  intelligent  idea  of  the  subjects  studied.  On 
this  examination  depends  the  certificate  which  shall  render  the 
student  capable  of  entering  any  office  of  the  State,  or  of  com- 
mencing the  practice  of  any  profession.  In  order  to  fit  the  young 
men  for  such  a  freedom  of  study,  the  course  of  the  preparatory 
schools  is  lengthened  from  six  to  eight  years,  and  more  of  the 
higher  class  of  studies  are  introduced,  such  as  mental  philosophy, 
loo-ic,  and  moral  science.  No  student  is  allowed  to  enter  the 
University  younger  than  eighteen.  The  whole  arrangement  of  the 
under-schools,  called  "  Gymnasia1'1  and  "  Real  Schools"  is  changed. 
It  has  long  been  felt  as  an  evil,  that  any  young  man  who  would 
give  himself  a  good  general  education  must  go  through  the  long 
University  course,  and  so  delay  his  entrance  into  business.  Now 
by  means  of  the  Real  Schools  he  can  get  the  foundation  of  a  good 
education  quite  thoroughly,  without  entering  the  University.  The 
Gymnasia,  as  well  as  the  Real  School,  are  divided  into  "  Upper1' 
and  "  Under,"  and  the  admission  from  one  part  to  the  other,  as 
well  as  the  entrance  from  the  lower  "  People's  Schools"  to  these, 
depends  upon  the  mode  in  which  the  examination  is  passed.  So 
that  from  the  lowest  "  District  School,"  through  the  Gymnasia  and 
the  University,  there  is  a  regular  series  of  examinations,  till  the 
young  man  is  settled  as  a  government  officer,  or  a  "  professional 
man."  New  books  and  efficient  teachers  from  Germany  are  every- 
where introduced,  and  the  miserable  salaries,  especially  of  the 
country  teachers,  considerably  increased.  A  Review,  too,  is  started, 
devoted   especially  to  subjects  connected   with  education,  and    is 


14       CONVERSATION    WITH    THE    CHIEF    OF    POLICE. 

supported  really  with  much  spirit.  This  is  but  a  rough,  brief 
sketch  of  what  is  going  on,  but  the  interesting  fact  to  us  Americans 
is  that  a  reform-movement  is  really  commencing  in  Austria,  and 
at  the  basis  of  all  political  reforms — in  education.  It  is  pleasant, 
too,  to  find,  what  one  does  not  often  find  even  in  Prussia  itself,  men 
of  learning  and  talents  giving  their  efforts  to  aiding  "  the  masses," 
preparing  school-books,  and  laboring  for  the  ignorant  as  well 
as  the  learned. 

A  few  weeks  spent  in  these  and  similar  researches,  and  in  the 
cheerful  out-door  life  of  Vienna,  passed  quickly  away,  and  at  length, 
one  fine  Spring  morning,  armed  with  a  recommendation  from  our 
Charge  d'  affaires  at  Vienna,  I  presented  myself  at  the  Bureau  of 
Police,  and  requested  a  vise  on  my  Passeporte  for  Hungary. 

The  Director  replied  very  blandly,  but  decidedly,  that  he 
regretted,  but  it   was    not   possible   for   him   to   give   it. 

I  was  somewhat  taken  aback  by  this — however,  I  resolved  not  to 
yield  the  matter  so,  and  handed  him  my  recommendation  from 
Mr.  McCurdy. 

He  was  sorry,  but  he  had  had  instructions  from  Government, 
that  no  strangers  should  be  admitted  into  Hungary,  except  upon 
business.  They  could  not  have  people  travelling  over  the  Austrian 
Empire  in  this  way  ! 

I  rose  up  and  went  towards  him. 

"  Why  is  this  ?  "What  objections  have  you  to  me  ?  You  have 
my  Passport.  You  have  a  recommendation  from  the  American 
Embassador.  You  know  my  acquaintances  in  Vienna.  What  can 
you  object  V 

He  replied,  that  Americans  and  English  had  interfered  too  much 
in  their  affairs  and  had  travelled  about,  prying  into  various  matters 
and  had  made  very  slanderous  reports. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  15 

"  All  that  may  be  true,"  I  replied,  "  but  what  is  there  against 
me?' 

Here  he  began  to  soften  somewhat,  and  said  that  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, he  would  perhaps,  make  an  exception  in  my  case,  espe- 
cially in  view  of  the  writing  from  our  ambassador,  but  that  he  would 
give  me  a  Provisionary  passe,  so  that  I  must  return  to  Vienna  to 
reclaim  my  own. 

"  It  was  indifferent  to  me,"  I  said,  "  I  intended  to  return  to 
Vienna." 

"  He  must  warn  me,  however,"  he  continued,  "  I  would  be  exposed 
to  many  disagreeabilities*  from  the  police." 

"  I  had  no  fear  at  all,"  I  replied,  "  I  had  always  found  the  Austrian 
Police  the  most  polite  of  any  in  Europe." 

This  quite  staggered  him,  and  he  went  away,  and  after  a  little 
farther  ceremony,  returned  with  my  own  Passeporle,  without  any 
condition,  and  handed  it  to  me,  at  the  same  time,  warning  me,  for 
my  own  sake  "  not  to  make  any  expression  in  public  of  sentiments 
which  I  might  entertain  on  certain  matters  !" 

"  There  was  no  danger,"  I  said,  "  I  was  not  in  the  habit  of  doing 
such  things  in  foreign  countries." 

As  I  wras  going  out,  he  apologised,  saying  he  regretted  all  this,  it 
was  not  voluntary  on  their  part,  they  had  their  instructions,  &c.  <fec, 
and  with  an  educated  man,  he  thought  he  had  better  be  frank !" 

" I  was  very  glad  he  had  been  frank"  I  said,  " I  liked  men  to  be 
so  towards  me !" 

"Mes  compliments  /"  on  my  part,  and  "  Empfehlc  mich  Ihnen  /"f 
with  a  smooth  bow,  on  his,  and  we  parted,  though  I  thought  as  far 

*  There  is  no  other  way  of  translating  that  most  diplomatic  word,  -'Unan- 
nehmlichkeiten." 

f  I  recommend  myself  to  you. 


16  THE    CHIEF    OF    POLICE. 

as  gentlemen  of  his  profession  ever  do  show  it,  he  looked  particularly 
ashamed. 

The  truth  was,  I  had  my  supple  Director  in  a  dilemma,  and  he 
knew  it.  The  Austrian  Government  does  not,  as  he  said,  like  to 
have  strangers  travelling  over  the  empire.  They  see  too  much.  But 
here,  he  must  either  say,  in  effect,  before  Europe,  that  no  educated 
traveller  shall  enter  its  provinces,  or  he  must  admit  the  dangerous 
intruder  into  one,  whose  condition  Government  would  least  desire  to 
have  known. 

My  friends  congratulated  me  much  on  my  success  with  him,  as  he 
is  an  "  old  hand,"  they  said  in  such  matters.  I  felt  rather  compla- 
cent, for  a  time,  over  it :  but  as  the  result  showed,  I  had  not  by  any 
means  seen  all  "  the  play  "  of  the  skilful  Commissary,  and  the  laugh 
proved  afterwards  to  be  quite  on  the  other  side. 


CHAPTER  II. 

As  soon  after  this  conversation  as  the  weather  seemed  settled 
enough  to  permit  of  travelling  over  the  notoriously  wretched  roads 
of  Hungary,  I  went  with  my  baggage,  on  board  the  Danube 
steamer,  bound  for  Pressburg,  Pesth,  and  Constantinople.  My  plan 
was  to  go  directly  to  Pesth,  the  Capital  of  the  country,  and  to  spend 
no  time  on  these  intermediate  towns,  along  the  Danube,  as  from  the 
German  influence  upon  them,  they  show  very  little  of  the  present 
condition  or  character  of  the  Hungarian  people. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  there  was  no  countiy  of  Europe  which 
I  had  approached  with  such  deep  interest  and  curiosity,  as  I  did  this 
land  of  the  Hungarians.  The  half  Oriental  character  of  the  people, 
the  singular  nomadic  customs  which  I  knew  still  to  exist  among 
them,  the  remains  of  Feudal  institutions,  supplanted  by  modern 
improvements,  and  the  remarkable  political  life  of  the  nation,  to- 
gether with  their  chivalrous  habits,  of  which  I  had  heard  so  much, 
all  opened  a  most  interesting  field  of  observation  to  the  traveller. 
Besides,  for  the  sake  of  similar  questions  in  other  lands,  I  was  very 
desirous  to  observe  the  effect  upon  the  peasants  of  that  grand  act 
of  Manumission  from  serfdom,  and,  in  view  of  the  widely  different 
opinions  on  the  subject,  to  study  the  character  of  that  great  move- 


18  OBJECTS    OF    TRAVEL 

ment,  the  Revolution  of  1848 — a  movement  which  had  first  brought 
out  the  Hungarians  before  the  world,  under  which  they  had  devel- 
oped an  energy  such  as  few  of  the  oldest  States  could  show,  and 
which  had  fastened  the  attention  of  Europe  on  their  wavering  strug- 
gle for  more  than  a  year. 

And  here  I  must  be  allowed  to  say  that  I  cannot  consider  the 
opinions  upon  this  Hungarian  question  as  at  all  necessarily  deter- 
mining the  sympathies  of  any  one,  either  for  freedom  or  despotism. 
It  is  true,  the  aristocratic  parties  of  Europe  are,  in  general,  opposed 
to  the  Hungarians.  But  the  attempt  in  Germany  and  France  to 
divide  the  friends  and  enemies  of  Liberty,  according  to  their  views 
on  this  Revolution,  would  utterly  fail.  I  have  met  many  a  sterling 
Democrat  in  Germany,  who  utterly  opposed  the  Hungarians  ;  and 
we  all  know  there  is  many  a  public  man  in  France,  whose  republi- 
canism is  above  all  reproach,  who  would  never  think  of  sympathiz- 
ing with  the  "  Magyar  Revolution."  In  England,  it  is  true,  the 
"  Liberals"  are  almost  entirely  for  the  Hungarians.  And  it  must  be 
confessed  that  in  England  there  has  always  been  a  much  better 
knowledge  of  Hungary  than  in  all  the  rest  of  Europe.  To  the  Ger- 
mans and  the  French,  all  the  country  beyond  the  Danube,  is  some- 
what of  a  "  terra  incognita?  and  they  know  scarcely  more  of  its 
institutions  than  we  do  of  those  of  the  Chinese. 

But  every  candid  man  must  confess  that  first  appearances,  before 
one  has  studied  the  facts  and  events,  are  unfavorable.  The  old 
Constitution  looks  bad,  and  one  must  be  quite  certain  which  party 
struggled  for  its  reform,  and  how  far  real  liberty  was  aimed  at,  before 
one  can  swear  confidently  to  the  Revolution. 

For  myself,  entering  on  this  journey,  everything  seemed  favora- 
ble. I  was  fortunately  supplied  with  letters  of  introduction.  I  had 
carefully  studied  the  routes  through  the  country,  and  knew  well  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  19 

best  points  for  obtaining  information,  and  for  seeing  the  best  exam- 
ples of  what  I  wished  to  observe.  The  greatest  difficulty,  too,  which 
I  had  feared,  from  the  opposition  of  the  Viennese  Police,  was  sur- 
mounted, and  I  started  under  very  good  auspices. 

In  regard  to  the  routes  from  Vienna  into  Hungary,  the  best  is 
undoubtedly  on  the  Danube.  The  steamboats  belong  to  the  Com- 
pany of  the  "  Austrian  Lloyd,"  and  though  not  at  all  equaling 
our  river  steamboats,  are  not  by  any  means  poor  boats.  The  run 
down  is  made  in  about  twelve  hours,  but  from  Pesth  up,  against 
the  rapid  current,  the  time  taken  is  nearly  thirty-six  hours.  The 
best  course  for  the  traveller  is  to  return  by  the  railroad  along  the 
Danube,  which  finally  connects  with  the  road  from  Prague,  and  by 
Which  he  can  reach  Vienna  in  ten  hours  from  the  time  of  starting. 

The  navigation  of  the  Danube  by  steamboats  only  dates  some 
twenty  years  back  ;  but,  in  that  time,  it  has  changed  the  trade  and 
travel  on  that  stream  to  a  wonderful  degree.  Before  1830,  the  only 
mode  of  going  down  the  stream  was  by  miserable  boats  and  rafts, 
which  were  knocked  to  pieces  for  fire-wood,  at  the  end  of  the 
voyage.  And  the  trip  up  was  made  by  a  species  of  canal  boats, 
drawn  slowly  by  some  twenty  or  thirty  horses.  The  innumerable 
mill  boats  in  the  stream,  and  the  morasses  and  quick  sands  on  the 
banks,  made  it  a  most  dangerous  mode  of  travelling.  It  is  said  that 
not  seldom  the  whole  "  team "  of  horses  drawing  the  boat,  would 
sink  at  once,  inextricably,  into  the  treacherous  swamps  which  line 
the  river. 

At  length  the  Company  of  the  "  Austrian  Lloyd  "  was  formed  to 
navigate  the  Danube  by  steamboats,  and  through  the  incessant 
exertions  of  the  man,  who  has  done  so  much  for  all  practical  im- 
provements in  Hungary — Count  Szechenvi — it  was  firmly  estab- 
lished.    At  the  present  time,  the  Company  has  over  fifty  steam- 


20  THE    DANUBE. 

boats,  which  they  run  even  to  Constantinople,  and  from  Trieste  to 
Smyrna,  Alexandria,  and  the  whole  East.  Their  success  has  been 
beyond  what  even  the  most  enthusiastic  supporters  of  the  plan  had 
expected. 

I  observed  on  our  own  boat,  as  we  steamed  down  from 
Vienna,  that  like  most  of  the  steamboat  companies  on  the  conti- 
nent, they  still  employ  English  engineers — for  every  few  minutes, 
amid  the  Babel  of  foreign  languages  around  us — Hungarian, 
Wallachian,  Sclavonian,  German — I  could  hear  the  voice  of  the 
captain,  in  a  most  home-like  tone,  to  the  engineer  below,  "U-e-ase 
her  !  Sto-p  her  /"  Their  engines,  however,  at  present,  are  mostly 
made  here,  and  at  "  Old  Ofen,"  a  little  above  Pesth,  they  have  a 
very  good  manufactory  of  machinery. 

I  had  at  length  fairly  started  for  the  land  which  had  interested 
me  so  deeply  for  many  years.     The  day  seemed  an  appropriate  one 
for  entering  the  unhappy  country.     A  cold  storm  of  rain  was  beat- 
ing across  the  steamboat,  through  which  one  could  dimly  see  the 
long  line  of  monotonous  willow  bushes  on  the  banks,  or  the  melan- 
choly pine-forests  on  the  hills.     Occasionally  the  storm  lulled,  and 
the  Carpathians  stood  out  in  the  distance,  frowning  with  the  heavy 
masses  of  clouds  on  their  summits.     There  were  no  houses  on  the 
banks,  and  the  only  biuldings  to  be  seen  were  the  mill-boats,  anchored 
by  the  shore.     Now  and  then  a  soaked  fisherman  came  out  upon  m 
the  sands  to  pull  at  his  nets,  and  that  was  all  of  the   inhabitants 
which  we  could  see.     The  whole  had  a  most  dreary,  desolate  look  ; 
in  unison,  one  could  not  but  think,  with  the  sorrowful  and  gloomy 
fortunes  which  had  settled  upon  the  unfortunate  nation. 

Not  far  below  Vienna,  we  passed   the  Island  Lobau  with   the 
remains  yet  of  those  immense  works  of  Napoleon — bridges   and 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  21 

ramparts  -which  appear  built  for  a  century,  but  which  were  only  con- 
structed as  a  feint  to  hide  a  single  movement  of  his  army. 

A  few  hours  rapid  sail  farther  down  the  stream  brought  us  at 
length  to  a  point  where  a  light  tower,  perched  on  a  cliff,  overlooked 
the  river,  and  where  another  river  poured  its  waters  into  the  Dan- 
ube. This  river,  the  March,  forms  the  boundary  between  Hun- 
gary and  Austria,  and  the  castle  has  the  name  of  Theben.  On  the 
one  side  of  the  Danube  the  Carpathians  jut  down  from  the  North, 
and  on  the  other,  the  Leytha  Mountains  press  forward  from 
the  South.  The  river  flows  in  a  narrow  pass  between  them,  and 
forms,  with  a  highway  on  the  bank,  the  great  Gate  to  Hungary 
from  the  West. 

Through  this  entrance,  for  all  ages,  have  poured  the  armies  of 
Europe  and  Asia,  in  their  fierce  ware.  The  possession  of  it,  has 
decided,  many  a  time,  the  fate  of  Hungary  or  of  eastern  Europe. 
Through  this  pass,  rolled  the  tide  of  the  Huns.  Here  swarmed  the 
Turks  after  they  had  conquered  Hungaiy,  and  from  this,  they  over- 
run Europe,  till  they  were  defeated  on  the  plains  of  France.  The 
Crusaders  came  here  ;  the  Austrians  in  their  attacks  on  the  Turks  ; 
and  the  Hungarians  in  their  assaults  on  Europe.  Through  this, 
the  defeated  Ban  retreated,  in  the  last  war,  to  Vienna  and  again, 
down  through  this  came  the  armies  of  the  Austrians,  on  their  march 
to  Pesth. 

The  key  to  it  on  the  Austrian  side  is  Pressburg ;  on  the  Hun- 
garian, Komorn.  Had  Gorgey  poured  his  forces  through  this,  after 
his  victories  on  the  Upper  Danube,  he  would  have  undoubtedly 
taken  Vienna — even  with  an  Austrian  garrison  still  in  the  Capital 
of  Hungaiy — and  have  terminated  the  war. 

With  this,  or  its  key,  Komorn,  in  the  possession  of  the  enemy, 
the  Austrian  armies  would  never  have  dared  to  advance  into  Cen- 


22  PRESSBURG. 

tral  Hungary.  And  they  were  only  enabled  to  leave  it  occupied  in 
their  rear,  when  the  immense  host  of  Russians  was  already  in  the 
heart  of  Hungary. 

At  the  end  of  this  pass,  Pressburg  is  seen — a  city  for  a  long  time 
the  capital  of  Hungary,  where  the  parliament  met  and  the  king  was 
crowned. 

It  makes  but  a  mean  appearance  from  the  river,  and  the  only 
object  remarkable  from  a  distance  in  it,  is  an  immense  palace,  with 
four  towere,  on  the  top  of  a  high  hill. 

It  is  almost  entirely  a  German  town  in  its  character,  and  with  my 
objects,  I  had  no  curiosity  to  see  it. 

It  was  here,  however,  that  the  well-known  dramatic  appeal  of 
the  young  Queen,  Maria  Theresa,  was  made  to  the  gallantry  and 
sensibility  of  the  Hungarian  noblemen,  under  which  they  drew  their 
swords  in  a  frenzy  of  excitement,  and  swore  "  to  die  for  their  Sove- 
reign !" — one  of  the  last  displays  of  any  very  enthusiastic  loyalty  by 
the  Magyars,  and  for  which,  it  is  generally  supposed,  they  paid  quite 
too  dearly. 

Here  too,  is  the  hill  on  which  the  king  of  Hungary  ascended  on 
horseback  after  his  coronation,  and  where  he  went  through  the 
pantomime  of  waving  his  sword  to  every  point  of  the  compass, 
as  a  token  that  he  would  defend  and  guard  every  portion  of  his 
kingdom. 

Below  Pressburg,  the  Danube  widens  exceedingly,  and  we 
passed  a  great  number  of  islands.  Two  of  these  are  very  large, 
the  Greater  and  Lesser  Schiitt,  and  contains  large  tracts  of  excel- 
lent land.  Throughout,  however,  the  scenery  was  exceedingly  tame 
and  monotonous,  with  the  long  rows  of  willow  bushes  on  its  banks, 
and  the  stream  filled  with  the  mill-boats.  These  are  merely  two 
boats,  anchored  in   the  stream,  with   a  mill-wheel  between   them, 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  23 

turned  by  the  current.  In  one,  under  the  board  covering,  is  tbe 
machinery  for  grinding  the  grain,  and,  in  the  other,  the  miller  lives. 
They  are  a  very  great  obstruction,  everywhere,  to  the  navigation  of 
the  Danube. 


CHAPTER  III. 

On  the  Danube,  April,  1851. 

We  have  just  touched  at  "  Conyo,"  and,  though  the  banks  are 

as  tame  as   ever  in  scenery,   I    begin  to   see  more  signs  of  the 

real  Hungary.     The  men  who  stood  on  the  landing,  with  the  little, 

rough -looking  horses,  were  the  tallest,  best-built  men,  I  have  seen 

in  Europe.     Peasants,  probably,  and  with   high   boots  and  short 

jackets,  and  long  moustache,  in  true  Hungarian  style.     I  can  begin 

to   see    more  of  the  villages  too,  on   the   plain,  and   the   roofless 

houses,  every  few  miles,  tell  of  the  storm  which  has  passed  over 

here.     We  are  approaching  the  most  hotly-contested  battle-ground, 

during  the  whole  war — the  country  near    Komorn,  and    on    the 

angle  of  the  Danube,  at  Waizen. 

******* 

We  have  just  passed  Komorn.  It  does  not  appear  from  the  river 
at  all  imposing  as  a  fortress.  All  that  one  can  see  are  long  green 
lines  of  fortification,  alone  the  Danube,  with  an  occasional  block- 
house, and  white-coated  Austrian  sentry ;  and  beyond,  the  roofs 
and  chimneys  of  the  village  within  it.  The  most  important  of  the 
works  are  not  at  all  visible  from  the  Danube.     On  the  other  side  of 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  23 

the  river,  however,  was  a  sight,  which,  coming  upon  one  suddenly, 
was  unspeakably  affecting.  There  appeared  to  have  been  a  flourish- 
ing, smiling  village  once,  on  the  banks.  Now,  all  that  one  could 
see  were  long  rows  of  houses,  roofless,  with  the  tall,  desolate  chim- 
neys standing  in  the  air.  The  gardens  looked  pleasant  and  home- 
like, and  the  fruit  trees  were  in  rich  bloom,  and  there  were  many 
signs  of  home  everywhere,  but  no  life  !  The  only  thing  stirring 
through  the  grass-grown  streets,  was  some  sheep,  or  forlorn-looking 
horse.  The  whole  left  an  indescribable  impression  of  loneliness  and 
desolation  upon  one.  This  is  probably  but  one  out  of  many  similar 
sights,  which  I  shall  see  in  this  land.  Oh,  how  much  hast  thou 
given,  Hungary,  for  thy  liberty  !  and  how  little  hast  thou  won*! 
God  grant  thee  a  better  future  !  In  my  emotions  over  the  sight,  I 
was  surprised  that  the  other  passengers  were  so  indifferent,  as  no 
one  appeared  especially  to  notice  it ;  but  I  soon  found  that  they 
were  all  occupied  in  discussing  the  merits  of  a  great  row  which  had 
been  going  on  down  below,  between  the  Jews  and  the  Austrians ; 
as  they  say  the  feelings  between  the  two  parties  have  been  growing 
more  and  more  embittered  since  Marshal  Ilaynau's  extraordinary 
measures  toward  the  former.  The  banks  are  assuming  a  prettier 
aspect  now,  every  mile,  and  neat  villages  meet  the  eye  from  all 
quarters. 

In  reference  to  Komorn,  I  would  say  that  I  have  since  carefully 
examined  the  plan  of  it,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  to  any  one  who 
has  done  so,  that  it  is  most  completely  defended,  both  by  its 
position  and  the  works  erected.  The  Hungarians  claim  it  as  a 
fortress  of  "  the  first  class,"  though  among  military  men  generally  it 
only  ranks  as  "second,"  I  believe,  or  "third."  It  is  the  most 
important  point  in  Hungary,  for  strategy,  and  in  case  of  another 
war,  would  be,  as  in  the  last,  the  centre  of  the  fiercest  conflict.     A 


26  THE    FORTIFICATIONS    OF    KOMORN. 

brief  description  of  the  works,  accordingly,  may  not  be  uninteresting. 
The  whole  seems  rather  a  very  strongly  entrenched  camp,  than 
a  fortress,  as  the  distance  from  the  extreme  works  on  one  side  to 
those  on  the  opposite  is  nearly  five  English  miles.  The  real 
fortress  itself,  is  in  form  nearly  an  equilateral  triangle,  with  the 
Danube  for  one  side,  the  Waag  for  the  other,  and  a  line  of  ditches 
and  forts  drawn  horn  one  river  to  the  other,  for  the  base.  The 
"Waag  flows  into  the  Danube  here,  deep  and  strong,  and  forms 
an  excellent  defense  for  a  distance  on  the  eastern  side.  The 
Danube  itself,  of  course,  is  the  best  guard  on  the  western  and 
southern.  And,  on  what  I  have  called  the  base,  tho  morasses,  and 
the  great  strength  and  completeness  of  the  works,  erected  at  first 
by  the  Austrians  and  completed  by  the  Hungarians,  form  almost 
an  impregnable  defense.  Beside  these,  there  is  a  range  of  hastily 
but  well-constructed  works  on  the  other  side  of  the  Danube,  with  a 
tUe  du  font,  to  cover  a  bridge  of  boats  to  the  fortress.  Another 
fort  to  cover  a  bridge  is  built  on  the  Waag,  and  some  fortifications 
on  the  other  bank  of  that  river  also.  The  fortress  itself,  without  tho 
extreme  works,  covers  an  immense  area,  holding  the  town  of 
Komorn  w7ithin  it,  and  large  barracks,  which  can  all  be  rendered 
bomb-proof  without  difficulty.  It  is  calculated  that  30,000  men 
are  needed  to  garrison  this  fortress  sufficiently.  It  has  its  weak 
points,  however.  In  the  Waag,  a  little  distance  up  from  the 
mouth,  is  an  island,  which  very  much  weakens  the  defense  of  the 
liver  on  that  side.  On  the  other  bank  of  the  Waag  too,  near  the 
Danube,  are  some  heights  which  command  a  portion  of  the  inner- 
works.  Besides,  the  Danube  and  all  the  streams  around  it  are 
liable  to  freeze  in  the  winter,  and  thus  lay  it  open  to  attack.  It  is 
exposed  too  to  earthquakes,  of  which  one,  and  that  very  seyere,  has 
occurred  this  year. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  27 

As  I  said  before,  it  is  probably  the  most  important  strategical 
point  in  Hungary,  commanding  all  the  upper  Danube,  and  one  of 
the  two  highways  which  lead  to  Vienna.  The  Hungarians,  under 
Klapka,  defended  it,  with  the  greatest  skill  and  steadiness ;  and  the 
sally  of  Klapka  at  the  close  of  the  war,  by  which  he  defeated  the 
Austrian  forces  with  great  slaughter,  retook  Eaab  and  "  G'ony'o? 
and  captured  an  immense  booty  of  provisions  and  ammunition,  was 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  actions  of  the  whole  year.* 

Had  it  happened  earlier,  it  might  have  changed  the  whole  tide 
of  events.  As  it  was,  it  threw  a  parting  lustre  over  the  last  gloomy 
events  of  the  Hungarian  struggle. 

Below  Komorn,  we  passed  Grr;i,  with  its  fine  cathedral,  the 
residence  and  property  of  the  Primate  of  Hungary,  said  by  many 
to  be  the  richest  prelate,  out  of  England,  in  all  Europe.  Like  many 
of  the  Hungarian  cities,  this  has  suffered  extremely  in  past  centuries 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Turks.  At  this  point,  the  scenery  on  the 
river  changes,  and  the  stream  begins  to  flow  between  high  hills — 
though  after  all,  there  is  no  great  beauty  or  picturesqueness  to 
them.  Not  far  below,  the  tall  donjon  of  the  Visegrad  rears  itself 
on  a  hill,  the  only  relic  left  of  a  splendid  royal  stronghold,  about 
which  many  a  strange  stoiy  and  wild  Hungarian  legend  is  told. 

At  Waizen  the  Danube  makes  a  complete  angle,  and  after  this 
runs  due  south. 

The  first  one  sees  of  Buda-Pesth,  the  gem  and  pride  of 
Hungarian  cities,  is  the  height  of  the  Blocksberg,  a  mountain  with 
an  observatory,  behind  Buda ;  then  the  rocky  citadel  of  Buda,  or 
Ofen,  as  the  Germans  have  named  it,  appears  below  this  peak  :  and 

*  Besides  a  whole  park  of  artillery,  there  were  captured  by  this  sortie, 
2,760  head  of  oxen  ;  five  boats  laden  with  corn  and  powder ;  500,000  cwt. 
of  flour,  and  40,000  uniforms. — Schlesinqer. 


28  FIRST    IMPRESSIONS    OF   PESTH. 

after  this,  the  beautiful  span  of  the  suspension-bridge  is  seen,  which 
connects  the  old  town  Buda  with  the  newer  and  more  beautiful 
city,  Pesth. 

The  first  impression  which  Pesth  makes  on  the  stranger,  coming 
down  the  Danube,  is  veiy  striking  indeed.  The  long  line  of  hand- 
some, massive  buildings  on  the  quai,  more  than  a  mile  and  a  quarter 
in  extent ;  the  regular,  well-kept  streets ;  the  graceful  form  of  the 
bridge — perhaps  the  most  beautiful  suspension  bridge  in  Europe — 
all  form  a  most  pleasing  picture  of  thriving,  modern  life.  Then,  as 
a  contrast  to  it,  you  have  on  the  other  side  the  quaint,  old  town 
of  Ofen,  with  the  narrow  streets,  and  the  houses  built  on  the  side 
of  the  hill,  whose  summit  is  crowned  with  the  palace  of  the 
Viceroy,  and  the  rough  walls  of  the  old  fortress.  As  a  background, 
rise  the  blue  peaks  of  the  Ofener  Mountains.  We  were  soon 
landed,  our  passports  were  rigorously  demanded,  and  I,  myself, 
after  taking  my  quarters  in  a  hotel,  sallied  out  to  explore  the 
city. 


-a 


CHAPTER  IY. 

Pbsth,  April,  1861. 

Pesth  is  certainly  a  beautiful  city  ;  so  new-looking  and  so  neat 
and  well  built.  But  tbe  first  impressions  are  somewhat  injured  by 
tbe  crowd  of  wretched  people  one  sees  in  all  the  market-places  and 
principal  streets.  Slavonians,  mostly,  in  the  last  stages  of  beggary, 
with  a  few  rags  hanging  about  them,  a  dirty  sheep  skin  for  cloak 
and  for  bed,  and  a  broad-brimmed,  greasy  hat.  Their  faces,  too, 
have  such  a  cunning,  wild  expression.  I  have  not  seen  more 
miserable  objects  since  the  beggars  I  met  in  County  Wicklow,  in 
Ireland. 

There  are  marks  all  through  Testh  of  the  fearful  bombardment 
it  sustained  from  Ofen ;  half-built  houses — squares  sometimes 
entirely  cleared  of  the  buildings,  and  buildings  torn  and  broken  by 
the  bombs.  Pesth,  however,  seems  thriving,  compared  with  Ofen. 
There  is  a  long  tract  in  the  side  of  the  hill  there,  near  the  palace, 
where  one  of  the  assaults  of  the  Hungarians  was  made,  which  is 
covered  with  roofless  and  empty  houses,  burned  out  with  the 
terrible  fire  from  both  sides  during  the  siege.  The  whole  city,  too, 
is  interspersed  with  such  ruins,  and  one  can  see  that  the  majority  of 
the  houses  are  new-roofed. 


30  PESTH. 

I  was  surprised  almost  at  the  little  life  apparent  in  either  city, 
once  among  the  most  lively  towns  in  Europe.     My  acquaintances 
say  that  I  cannot  at  all  imagine,  the  contrast  between  the  appearance 
of  Buda-Pesth  now,  and  that  before  the  Revolution,  or  during  the 
year  1848.     Then  the  city  was  full  of  the  gentry,  who  resided  here 
a  good  part  of  the  year,  the  streets  thronged  with  brilliant  equipages, 
and  lively  with  all  the  gay  costumes  of  the  Hungarian  soldiery 
and  nobility.     The  stream  of  business  and  travel,  too,  was  incessant 
through  every  thoroughfare.     There  was  not  perhaps  in  Europe  so 
brilliant,  stirring,  cheerful  a  city  as  Buda-Pesth.     The  Landtag,  or 
Parliament,  met  here,  calling  together  all  the  principal  men  of 
talent  and  rank  through  Hungary.     Theatres  had  been  built,  not 
inferior  to  those  in  Vienna.     Hotels  among  the  best  in  Europe. 
A  casino,  after  the  plan  of  a  London  club,  with  the  most  elegant 
conveniences    for    batchelors,    was    erected.     Strangers    gathered 
together  here  from  all  parts  of  Europe,  and  there  was  no  refined 
society  on  the   Continent  where  a  foreigner  of  education  could  so 
pleasantly   spend   his   time   as   among   the  social   circles   of   the 
Hugarian   capital.     Now  the  streets  seem  still  and  lifeless.     No 
equipages  are  seen.     The  Hungarian  costume  is  forbidden.     The 
noblemen  of  Hungary,  the  men  of  talent  and  wit,  the  leaders  of  the 
nation,  who  once  filled  the  city,  and  gave  the  life  to  its  circles  and 
drew  business  within  its  walls,  are  now  scattered  abroad  as  exiles 
through  every  land,  or  are  living  in  gloomy  and  insecure  retirement 
on  their  estates.     Business  has  utterly  flagged.     No  one  has  any 
coufidence  in  the  present  condition  of  Hungaiy  continuing.     The 
stream  of  communication  which  once  poured  over  the  bridge  is  now 
meagre  enough.     It  is  calculated  by  candid  people  that  the  popu- 
lation  of  Buda-Pesth,  once  some    120,000,  has  diminished   full 
50,000 !     Strangers   seldom  visit  it  now,  or  if  they  do,  have  no 


HUNGARY    IN    18C1-  31 

heart  to  stay  in  a  place  where  every  foreigner  is  under  the  spying 
eyes  of  a  police  agent. 

The  injuries  suffered  by  the  city  took  place  during  the  siege  of 
the  Ofen  citadel,  by  the  Hungarians,  in  the  spring  of  1849.  It  will 
be  remembered  Gorgey's  victories  on  the  upper  Danube,  and  Bern's 
brilliant  campaign  in  Siebenburgen,  had  almost  completely  cleared 
the  countiy  of  Austrians.  Between  the  Drave  and  the  Danube,  on 
the  South,  they  still  kept  up  a  feeble  resistance,  and  they  held  the 
country  in  the  neighborhood  of  Pressburg.  But,  though  their 
armies  in  the  Winter  had  been  advanced  as  far  as  Szolnok  and  the 
Theiss,  they  were  steadily  driven  back,  forced  from  Pesth,  and  at 
last,  with  the  exception  of  the  points  mentioned  above,  and  one  or 
two  unimportant  fortresses,  completely  driven  from  Hungary. 

The  main  army  lay,  discouraged  and  worn  out,  near  the  borders 
of  Hungary.  The  Russians  had  not  yet  interfered.  A  strong 
victorious  Hungarian  army  was  posted  all  along  the  Danube,  from 
Pesth  to  Komorn,  and  under  Napoleon,  a  day  would  not  have 
passed  before  that  army  would  have  been  marching  upon  Vienna. 
It  was  the  invaluable  moment  for  the  Hungarians.  Success  was 
almost  sure  to  them,  and  they  lost  it. 

The  general  opinion  is,  that  it  was  Gorgey's  treachery  which  led 
to  the  abandonment  of  this  march  upon  Vienna,  and  spent  the 
priceless  time  in  the  siege  of  Ofen,  an  unimportant  fortress.  But  it 
seems  to  me  doubtful.  The  whole  nation,  in  characteristic  manner, 
was  in  a  frenzy  of  excitement  to  retake  Ofen,  "the  Holy  City,"  the 
capital — "the  only  place  where  the  foot  of  the  invader  rested,"  and 
it  is  quite  probable  that  the  Ministry,  who  were  not  remarkable  for 
their  strategetical  knowledge,  yielded  to  this  voice  of  the  people,  and 
ordered  Gorgey  to  return  and  commence  the  siege.  This,  at  least, 
is  the   account  of  many   authorities   not  especially   favorable   to 


32  THE    ASSAULT    OF    OFEN. 

Gorgey ;  and  it  sounds  consistently  with  the  character  of  the 
Hungarian  people.  They  are  a  nation  highly  wrought  up  by 
present  enthusiasm,  and  easy  to  be  blinded  to  consequences  far 
ahead.  They  undoubtedly  seemed  to  themselves  to  have  utterly 
prostrated  Austria,  and  to  only  need  the  capture  of  this  citadel  to 
complete  the  victory.  Gorgey,  who  had  a  much  cooler  head,  is 
reported  to  have  said  at  once,  when  he  received  the  order,  "  The 
cause  is  lost  now  I 

Klapka,  in  his  memoirs,  gives  a  different  account.  He  states, 
that  Gorgey  received  an  order  only  to  beleaguer  Ofen,  with  a  small 
force,  and  to  march  on,  with  the  main  body,  against  the  Austrians, 
but  that  he  did  the  reverse.  However,  I  am  told  that  one  of 
the  officers  of  Klapka  gives  a  different  explanation,  similar  to  the 
ene  above.  In  such  confused  times — particularly  with  regard  to 
the  great  blunders  of  the  war — the  truth  is  very  difficult  to  obtain. 

Wherever  the  fault  lay,  the  result  was,  that  three  weeks  were 
spent  in  the  siege  of  a  fortress  in  no  way  important  in  the  great 
plans  of  the  war.  The  Hungarians  had  thought  to  take  it  at  once 
by  assault.  But  there  was  a  tough,  old  Swiss  officer,  at  the  head 
of  the  garrison,  Henzi,  who  would  have  seen  everything  blown  into 
the  air  before  he  gave  it  up,  and  who  fought  every  inch  of  ground. 
There  are  several  points  from  which  it  can  be  bombarded,  and  from 
these  the  Hungarians  kept  up  a  tremendous  fire  upon  it.  The 
Austrians  retorted  by  bombarding  Pesth,  which  lies  beneath  them. 
Eye  witnesses  have  described  the  scenes  to  me,  during  the  nights  of 
the  bombardment,  as  most  terrible.  The  long  trains  of  fire  through 
the  air,  from  the  heights  of  the  Blocksberg  to  the  fortress,  and  again 
from  the  fortress  to  the  city,  the  unceasing  booming  of  the  cannon, 
the  explosion  of  the  shells,  and  the  burning  of  the  houses,  formed  a 
scene,   such  as   the   citizens  of  Pesth  will  not  soon  forget.     The 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  33 

inhabitants  had  retreated  in  the  meantime  to  their  cellars,  or  to  the 
block-houses. 

At  length,  after  nearly  three  weeks  of  this,  the  fortress  was  taken 
by  assault,  in  the  most  daring  manner,  and  Henzi  fell  on  the  ruins 
of  it,  at  the  head  of  his  men.  Two  more  weeks  were  spent  in 
rejoicing,  and  recruiting  their  forces.  At  the  end  of  this  time  the 
Austrians  had  re-formed  another  army.  The  Russians  were  in  full 
march  from  several  points  into  Hungary,  and  the  favorable  moment 
was  gone  for  ever. 

The  siege  of  Ofen  must  be  confessed  to  have  been  the  great 
mistake  of  the  Hungarian  campaign  in  1849. 

I  used  often  to  walk  about  on  parts  of  the  old  fortress.  The 
breaches  are  all  repaired  ;  the  grass  is  growing  greenly  on  the 
embankments,  which  were  all  demolished  by  the  Hungarian  fire ; 
and  the  Austrian  bands  give  pleasant  concerts  on  the  spot  where 
the  fiercest  assault  of  the  Honveds  was  made.  Except  for  the  sight 
of  an  occasional  maimed  soldier,  or  of  the  ruined,  desolate  houses  in 
the  valley  below,  there  would  be  nothing  to  remind  one  of  the 
fearful  struggle  which  raged  there  two  years  ago. 


a». 


CHAPTER  V. 


Pesth,  April,  1851. 


My  time  in  Pesth  was  very  busily  employed  indeed.  There 
were  the  usual  researches  of  a  traveller — then  the  forming  acquaint- 
ances with  the  citizens  with  reference  to  learning  the  views  of  the 
different  political  parties,  and  in  planning  my  route  in  the  interior  ; 
and,  especially,  the  investigation  of  the  old  political  constitution  and 
laws  of  Hungary,  for  which  the  archives  of  Pesth  offer  the  best 
advantages. 

The  whole  society  of  Pesth,  even  in  this  its  time  of  depression,  is 
exceedingly  pleasant  for  the  stranger.  Despite  the  German  influ- 
ence upon  it,  and  the  fact,  that  almost  all  intercourse  is  in  the 
German  language,  the  people  have  preserved  their  genuine  Hun- 
garian traits.  One  feels  at  once  he  is  in  a  different  atmosphere  from 
that  which  fills  the  German  circles.  There  is  a  life,  a  kind  of 
stormy_eloquence  about  the  conversation,  such  as  you  never  meet  in 
Germany.  The  people  do  love  to  talk,  and  certainly  talk  very  well. 
Such  noisy  coffee-houses  I  have  not  seen  in  Europe.  Then  one  is 
conscious  at  once  of  being  in  society,  where  wit  is  in  vogue  much 
more  than  in  Germany ;  keen,  lively  wit  it  is  too.  A  joke  against 
Austrian  stupidity  goes  over  Pesth  with  the  quickness  of  thought. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  35 

But  such  a  nation  of  orators,  as  they  seem,  from  what  one  sees  in 
the  Capital !  The  waiter  who  brings  your  coffee  in  the  morning, 
when  he  finds  you  are  an  American,  makes  a  speech.  The  clerk  in 
the  coach-office,  where  you  are  booking  your  name,  runs  off  into  a 
harangue  over  the  wrongs  of  Hungary,  which  would  do  honor  to  a 
stump  orator.  Men  speak  in  private  society  with  an  ease,  a  fire, 
such  as  I  have  never  anywhere  seen.  And  the  theme  everywhere, 
which  lights  the  eye,  and  thrills  the  voice,  is  Hungary,  their  beauti- 
ful, their  once  happy  Fatherland,  what  it  has  been,  and  what  it  is 
now  ?  Its  glory,  its  wrongs,  its  hopes.  With  our  cool  English  / 
habit,  it  is  difficult  to  understand,  to  imagine  the  natural,  passionate 
eloquence  with  which  almost  every  Hungarian  speaks  on  that 
subject.  It  should  be  remembered  that  the  Hungarians  whom  we 
see  in  America,  are  men  in  a  foreign  land,  speaking  a  strange 
language,  and  affected  by  all  our  customs.  They  would  not  wish  it, 
they  could  not  speak  there  as  they  do  here. 

I  happened  to  call  upon  a  workman.  As  soon  as  he  found  I  was 
an  American,  about  to  travel  in  Hungary,  he  burst  forth.  "  O,  Sir, 
if  you  could  only  have  seen  our  country  four  or  five  years  ago  !  I 
do  not  believe  there  was  so  free  and  happy  a  country  in  Europe. 
Wine  and  com,  and  everything  so  cheap  for  the  poor  man — tin- 
gentry  making  improvements  and  reforming  everywhere,  and  we 
had  our  Parliaments  here  in  Pesth,  and  we  voted  for  officers — and 
were  independent  of  Austria.  And  now  there  is  a  tax  on  every- 
thing. We  have  to  pay  three  Gulden  ($1  50)  for  poll  tax — and 
every  pound  of  flesh  is  taxed  which  we  buy,  and  there  is  a  tax  on 
the  gardens,  and  on  the  houses.  And  then  we  gain  nothing.  Wp 
have  lost  our  Constitution  and  our  rights.  There  is  no  more  voting, 
or  elections,  or  Parliament,  here  in  IVsth.  The  whole  country  is 
dead!"         *  *  *  *  I  have  been  to 


36  CONVERSATION    WITH    A    HUNGARIAN. 

see  an  acquaintance  since,  of  the  Government  party.  He  regretted 
extremely  I  had  chosen  the  present  time  to  travel  in  Hungary — it 
would  give  me  so  imperfect  an  idea  of  the  nation.  If  I  could  have 
come  before  the  Revolution  I  would  have  seen  the  country  in  its 
pride  and  glory,  intensely  active  and  excited  in  its  political  life,  and 
every  kind  of  material  improvement  going  on. 

Or,  if  I  could  have  come  immediately  after  the  Revolution,  the 
very  aspect  of  the  national  excitement — inspiration,  would  have 
been  grand  to  look  upon.  But  now  the  whole  country  was  lifeless 
— spiritless — cast  down.  "  We  have  staked  all,"  said  he,  "  on  the 
game,  and  have  lost  all.  The  Government,  too,  I  regret  to  say,  is 
not  well  advised,  or  does  not  understand  the  Hungarian  character, 
and  everything  goes  on  wrong.  No  man  can  predict  the  future. 
The  present  condition  cannot  last  /" 

Called  upon  Mr.   S.,  to  whom  I  had  a  letter,  and  met   there 

T ,  a  tall,  fine  looking  Hungarian.     He  spoke  with  those  full 

rich  tones  which  one  hears  so  often  from  the  Hungarians.  "  We 
welcome  an  American,"  said  he,  "  most  gladly  to  this  land.  But 
you  have  come  at  an  unhappy  time.  The  old  Constitution  under 
which  we  have  lived  for  more  than  eight  hundred  years,  is  scattered 
to  the  winds.  We  have  lost  all  that  a  nation  can  lose.  You  will 
see  nothing  here  of  the  old  freedom  and  the  privileges  which  we 
used  to  boast  of.  The  people  have  lost  their  means  by  this  war, 
and  now  their  liberties.  Every  step  is  hemmed  by  obstructions,  and 
one  cannot  stir  without  coming  upon  an  Austrian  spy." 

I  spoke  of  my  intention  of  visiting  the  interior,  and  inquired 
whether  it  would  be  advisable.  He  said  there  would  be  no  diffi- 
culty, but  "  Oh,  sir,"  said  he,  "  if  you  could  only  have  seen  this  land 
four  years  ago.  There  was  not  so  happy  and  free  a  land  in  Europe  ! 
You  will  see  something  now,  of  the  old  hospitality,  but  for  the  most 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  37 

part,  the  people  have  not  the  heart  for  it.  The  gentlemen  are  liv- 
ing in  retirement,  and  economically  ;  and  all  under  the  fear  that 
they  may  at  any  time  be  called  before  the  courts  again.  Every  one 
is  discontented,  and  looking  forward  to  a  change  ;  but  no  one  can 
see  how  it  is  to  come." 

I  went  by  accident  into  a  saddler's  shop,  and  the  moment  he 
found  I  was  no  Austrian,  he  burst  out  with  his  feelings  over  the 
change  in  his  country. 

"  It  was  so  pleasant  a  land !  And  we  had  our  own  freedom,  as 
they  have  now  in  America ;  and  Pesth  was  so  lively.  The  gentry 
used  to  come  here  to  the  shop  and  buy  so  much  for  their  hunts  and 
races,  and  talk  politics  here  !  and  everything  was  so  cheap  !  Wine 
was  only  2  kreutzers,  (1|  cents)  a  bottle.  But  now  we  have  to  pay 
all  the  Austrian  taxes ;  and  the  gentry  are  all  gone ;  and  we  are  all 
just  like  slaves !  If  I  can  only  sell  my  stock  I  shall  go  over  at  once 
to  America !" 

I  happened  into  a  coach  office  and  enquired  about  routes  in  the 
interior,  and  the  clerk,  as  soon  as  he  found  I  was  an  American  trav- 
elling in  Austria,  began  in  a  similar  strain.  "  It  had  been  such  a 
beautiful,  happy  country,"  he  said,  "  there  could  be  nothing  like  it. 
Every  class  of  people  so  comfortable ;  everything  so  cheap  !"  He 
had  not  known  much  of  other  lands,  but  he  did  not  believe  there 
could  have  been  such  an  independent,  happy  people  on  the  earth  ! 
And  now,  everywhere  oppressed!  Everything  they  could  eat, 
or  drink,  taxed.  Nothing  free — every  word  watched  by  Austrian 
spies !" 

With  all  these,  I  have  not  led  on  an  expression  of  their  views  at 
all ;  but,  in  a  moment,  when  they  have  known  I  was  a  foreigner, 
they  have  poured  out  their  feeling  in  this  way.     And  it  is  entirely 


38  HUNGARIAN    WIT. 

impossible  to  give  again  in  words,  the  passionate,  eloquent  manner 
they  have,  of  expressing  themselves. 

I  find  that  everywhere  as  I  mingle  in  society,  an  American  is 
most  heartily  welcomed.  Such  hospitality,  in  all  my  experience  of 
strange  lands,  I  have  never  seen  even  approached,  and  yet  the  city 
is  not,  by  any  means,  a  genuine  specimen  of  a  Hungarian  city. 

As  I  said  before,  good  hits  at  the  Austrians,  are .  in  great  circula- 
tion among  the  people  of  Pesth. 

"Very  naturally  they  find  it  hard  enough  to  be  paying  now  for 
Austrian  debts,  and  to  be  obliged  to  use,  everywhere,  this  miserable 
Imperial  paper  money,  and,  as  they  can  do  nothing  else,  they  crack 
their  jokes  at  the  whole  system.  Among  other  stories  they  tell  one 
of  a  visit  which  the  Emperor  lately  made  to  Trieste,  wherein,  in  a 
triumphal  procession,  in  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  he  called 
upon  the  Finance  Minister  for  money  to  distribute  among  the  hur- 
rahing crowd.  The  minister  "  begged  his  Majesty's  pardon,  but 
advised  him  not  to  attempt  it !" 

"  Why  ?"  said  the  enthusiastic  young  prince.  "  The  wind  is  too 
high  !  your  Majesty  !"  replied  the  minister,  "  it  would  be  all  blown 
away  /" 

They  repeated,  too,  another  occurrence,  which,  it  is  said,  really 
took  place  lately  in  Vienna.  A  juggler  was  on  the  stage,  before  a 
crowded  house,  and  among  other  tricks,  took  a  silver  Zivanziger,  (a 
coin  which,  like  all  other  silver  or  gold  pieces,  has  mostly  disappeared 
from  Austria,)  in  his  hand,  held  it  up  before  the  crowd,  opened  his 
hand,  and  the  coin  was  gone. 

He  had  hardly  proceeded  thus  far  in  the  performance,  when  a 
rough  voice,  in  the  broad  Vienna  accent,  came  out  of  the  gallery — 
"  Ach,  das  kann  Ik  auk  /"  (Poh  !  I  can  do  that  too  !)  The  jug- 
gler then  turned  his  hand  again,  muttered  some  incantations,  opened 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  39 

it,  and  there  was  the  Zwanziyer.  The  voice  again  came,  in  the 
most  hopeless  tone — "  Sacrament !  das  kann  Ik  nit!'1''  (That  I 
can't  do  !)  The  juggler  turned  at  this  second  exclamation,  to  the 
gallery,  and  asked  who  it  was  that  interrupted  him  so.  "  Tlie  Aus- 
trian Finance  Minister!''''  replied  the  voice  in  doleful  tones.  The 
audience  took  the  joke  at  once,  and  rose  with  one  universal  cheer  for 
"  the  man  in  the  gallery  !" 

Everywhere  that  I  went,  I  found  a  hitter  indignation  at  this  spy- 
ing, underhanded  system  of  the  Austrians.  They  had  been  used, 
and  their  fathers  before  them,  to  talk  freely,  they  said — and,  now, 
to  feel  that  every  servant  might  be  a  spy,  and  that  there  was  not  a 
movement  which  was  not  watched  by  some  contemptible  agent  of 
government.  It  worried  them  ;  it  sickened  them  more  than  all  the 
cruelty  of  the  Austrian  system,  they  said.  Ai  the  time,  I  did  not 
credit  such  a  state  of  things,  supposing  it  one  of  the  exaggerations 
which,  would  be  natural  to  a  people,  just  in  reality  conquered.  They 
told  me  how  this  gentleman's  servant  used  regularly  to  report  his 
words  at  dinner  to  the  police  ;  how  another  was  dogged  in  the 
streets  by  these  agents ;  how  spies  sat  in  the  churches  to  watch 
even  the  clergyman's  prayer  and  sermon. 

I  told  them  frankly,  then,  that  I  must  see  more  before  I  could 
believe  that  such  a  system  of  rascality  existed.  I  need  not  say  that 
now  I  not  only  believe  it,  but  wonder  I  ever  doubted  it.  There  is 
no  depth  of  meanness  and  falseness  in  the  Austrian  police  system 
which  I  cannot  credit.  I  have  seen  and  experienced  all  that  my 
friends  here  described.  I  have  seen  that  there  is  a  widespread, 
efficient  administration  here,  managed  with  the  precision  and 
exactness  with  which  the  affairs  of  a  first  class  New  York  importing 
house  would  be,  and  yet,  whose  principle  and  whose  every  object  is 
the  most  false,  the  most  degrading  to  manhood  and  honor,  that  can 


40  THE    POLICE    RULE. 

be  imagined.      Is  is  underhanded  villainy,  and  the  vilest  deception, 
legalized  and  systematized. 

A  short  time  before  I  arrived,  a  boy — a  child,  was  imprisoned  for 
wearing  the  Hungarian  costume,  which  is  merely  a  blue  jacket 
with  embroidery,  together  with,  perhaps,  one  of  their  embroidered 
caps !  The  Hungarian  colors,  too,  are  forbidden,  though  the 
ladies  do  manage  to  get  them  into  their  dresses.  No  one  is 
allowed  even  to  petition  !  So  that  an  humble  request  to  "  His 
Apostolic  Highness"  is  a  crime.  And,  it  was  said,  a  clergyman 
had  been,  not  long  since,  imprisoned  for  some  time,  for  daring  to 
respectfully  petition  the  Emperor  with  regard  to  some  church 
matter.  They  must  first  obtain  leave  from  the  police  to  make  a 
request. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Pesth. 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  yet  Pesth  has  more  of  the  comforts 
of  a  city,  than  many  even  of  the  largest  cities  of  North  Europe. 
The  Hungarians  have  always  had  a  much  more  practical  turn  than 
the  races  around  them,  and  a  far  greater  tendency  to  imitate  both 
the  English  and  French,  than  their  neighbors,  the  Germans,  which 
may  perhaps  account  for  this,  in  part.  Certain  it  is,  however,  that 
the  hotels  in  Pesth  are  far  better  than  the  best  in  Vienna  or  Berlin. 
The  coffee-houses,  too,  are  not  surpassed  by  the  best  on  the  Boule- 
vards, and  the  Casino,  or  Club,  with  its  reading-rooms,  and  saloons, 
and  dining  halls,  is  equal  to  anything  of  the  kind  in  Europe,  except 
tho  palace-like  establishments  in  London. 

I  would  here,  while  speaking  of  these  matters,  recommend  espe- 
cially to  any  American  traveller  who  may  happen  to  visit  Pesth,  the 
Tiger  Hotel,  certainly  the  most  comfortable  in  the  city,  and  whose 
proprietor,  Dr.  F.,  is  a  very  polite,  cultivated  gentleman,  speaking 
English  like  a  native. 

As  I  walked  over  the  City,  it  was  interesting  to  observe  how  tho 
Austrians  were  preparing  for  future  struggles.  The  citadel  has 
been  entirely  repaired  and  strengthened  ;  the  heights  of  the  Blocks- 


42  MILITARY    PREPARATIONS    IN    PESTH. 

berg  above,  from  which  the  Hungarians  had  bombarded  the  for- 
tress, are  now  being  fortified  and  held  by  an  Austrian  detachment, 
and,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  a  strong  block-house  is  to  be 
built  in  Pesth,  as  a  "  tete  du pont"  to  cover  the  bridge. 

There  is,  beside,  quite  a  heavy  complement  of  soldiery  stationed 
in  the  city,  mostly  quartered  in  a  singular  structure,  called  the 
Neugebdude.  This  was  erected  in  1786  by  the  Austrian  Emperor, 
for  some  unexplainable  purpose,  though  it  is  generally  supposed  he 
intended  it  as  an  immense  prison.  It  consists  of  a  large  square, 
built  around  with  tall,  massive  buildings,  and  entered  by  arched 
gateways.  It  is  principally  used  as  a  barracks,  and  must  be  capable 
of  holding  several  thousands.  Since  the  Revolution,  it  has  formed 
one  of  the  great  State  prisons  of  Hungary,  in  whose  well-secured 
dungeons  lie  the  "  Hungarian  Rebels."  In  my  imprisonment 
afterwards,  from  the  number  of  my  comrades  who  had  been  there, 
the  name  became  as  familiar  to  me  as  any  name  in  Hungary.  And 
I  have  additional  reasons  to  remember  the  building,  from  the  fact 
that  my  last  trial  in  Hungary  occurred  in  one  of  its  dismal  court- 
rooms. 

The  Town  Hall. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  spots  in  the  city,  for  modern  asso- 
ciations, is  the  new  Town  Hall.  My  friends  led  me  "here,  and 
showed  me  the  spot  on  the  summit  of  the  grand  flight  of  steps 
where  the  Revolution  was  first  proclaimed  to  the  citizens  of  Pesth. 
It  was  in  the  March  days  of  1848,  and  the  movement,  which  had 
been  working  for  so  many  years  in  Hungary,  at  length  burst  forth. 
They  described  to  me  how  the  vast  square  in  front  of  the  building 
was  crowded  with  excited  people — and,  with  what  intense  enthu- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  43 

siasm  the  proposition  was  received  for  forming  a  "  Committee  of 
Safety"  for  Pesth,  or,  in  other  words,  for  forming  a  Government  for 
the  city,  independent  of  Austrian  influence.  Most  of  the  men 
whose  stirring  words  on  that  night  so  aroused  the  people,  have 
atoned  for  their  boldness  on  the  scaffold,  or  at  the  gallows.  The 
rest  wait,  in  exile,  for  better  times  for  their  country. 

I  have  never  certainly  experienced  more  real  kindness,  than  from 
the  many  acquaintances  I  made  in  Pesth.  They  seemed  to  under- 
stand intuitively  the  objects  of  a  traveller,  and  to  further  them  in  a 
practical  efficient  way,  which  only  a  traveller  can  appreciate. 

Prof.  "W. — a  most  loyal  friend  of  the  Government — even 
appointed  an  afternoon  in  which  I  was  to  present  my  questions  and 
objections  with  regard  to  the  old  Hungarian  Constitution,  in 
writing,  and  he,  with  some  lawyers,  and  the  old  books  of  laws 
before  them  were  to  answer  as  they  best  can.  A  most  practical 
and  efficient  method  for  me. 

I  found  throughout  the  city,  as  I  began  to  see  the  insides  of  the 
houses,  that  every  part  had  suffered  from  the  bombardment. 

One  lady  showed  me  a  huge  cannon  ball,  which  she  had  found 
the  next  morning  in  her  parlor-floor,  which  she  still  preserved. 

A  clergyman  pointed  out  to  me  the  ruins  of  his  library,  all  torn  to 
pieces,  by  the  bomb  shells.  There  are  some  large  squares,  com- 
pletely burned  out  and  not  yet  rebuilt.  It  will  be  long  before 
Pesth  recovers  from  that  fearful  punishment  which  Henzi  inflicted. 

Punishment  of  Maoame  Maderspach. 

Among  the  other  victims  of  the  Austrian  Government  there  still 
lives  in  Pesth,  the  lady  who  was  scourged  by  Haynau's  soldiers — 
Madame  Maderspach.     I  have  met  several  who  have  seen  her,  and 


44  THE    FLOGGING    OF    MADAME    MADERSPACH. 

the  account  they  give  of  the  affair  is  as  follows,  and,  I  suppose,  is 
substantially  correct. 

She  was  a  lady  of  fortune  and  rank,  residing  in  Siebenbiirgen 
the  south-eastern  part  of  Hungary.  Her  husband  was  an  officer  in 
the  Hungarian  army,  and  she  herself,  naturally  sympathised  with 
his  party  and  it  is  said,  frequently  entertained  Bern  and  the  officers 
under  him,  in  a  very  hospitable  maimer.  This  had  exasperated  the 
Austrians,  and  when,  at  length,  they  occupied  that  part  of  Hungary, 
they  were  quite  ready  for  any  severities  against  her. 

Unfortunately  for  her,  her  tenantry  made  some  celebration  at  the 

time,    and   burned   (she    claimed    without    her    knowledge,)    the 

Emperor    Francis    in    effigy !      She    was    at    once    seized,    and, 

at   the    command   of    the   Austrian   officer,   made   "  to    run    the 

gauntlet,"  or   the  "  Crassenlauf"   as  they  call  it.     I  gained  some 

acquaintance   with   this   Austrian   punishment  while  in  the  Gros 

Wardein  prison,  as  it  was  applied  to  all  the  thieves  and  deserters 

of  the  regiment  every  Saturday  afternoon.     The  custom  is,  usually, 

to  call  out  three  hundred   men,  who  form  two  rows,  one  hundred 

and  fifty  on  a  side.     Each  man  is  to  be  provided  with  a  tough, 

limber  stick.     The  criminal,   a  hardy,  strong  man,  commonly,  is 

stripped  to  the  waist,  and  made  to  walk  leisurely  through  at  the 

beat  of  the  drum.     If  any  one  in  the  line  neglects  to  lay  on, 

as   hard   as    he   can,  he    gets    "  five  and-twenty"   himself.     It   is 

generally  calculated  that  a  strong  man,  sent  through  this  lane  four 

times,  if  he  has  strength  enough  to  get  to  the  end,  will  die  within 

a  few  hours. 

This  was  Madame  Maderspach's  punishment,  though  with 
generous  consideration  for  her  sex,  the  "  run"  was  probably  limited 
to  once  through ! 

The  effect  upon  the  proud,  high-born  lady  was  to  drive  her  into 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  45 

insanity.  The  news  of  such  a  public,  brutal  indignity  on  his  wife, 
so  affected  the  husband  that  he  shot  himself  through  the  brain. 
And,  to  entirely  hush  up  the  matter,  the  only  survivor,  a  young  son> 
was  drafted  into  the  Austrian  army  in  Italy  as  a  common  soldier, 
where  he  is  still.  The  whole  deed  seems  to  have  come,  if  not 
directly  from  Haynau,  at  least  from  his  general  orders. 

The  poor  lady  lives  still  in  Pesth,  in  a  half-crazed  condition.  It 
is  said,  after  Haynau's  tremendous  flagellation  by  the  London 
brewers,  some  one  sent  her  a  paper,  containing  an  account  of  it ; 
and  that  she  kept  it  for  days  in  her  bosom,  wet  with  her  tears  ! 

Somehow  or  other,  she  obtained,  too,  a  piece  of  one  of  the 
brooms  with  which  he  was  beaten,  and,  maniac-like,  she  has  made 
a  bracelet  of  it,  which  she  now  wears. 

The  Hungarians  assert  that  this  instance  of  Madame  Maderspach 
is  only  one  of  several  similar. 


chapter  vn. 

Kossuth. 

Of  course,  there  has  been  a  great  deal  of  conversation  here  in 
Pesth,  about  G'drgey  and  Kossuth,  and  I  have  been  quite  curious 
to  find  out  what  the  general  opinion  in  regard  to  these  men  is,  and 
whether  it  agrees  with  that  in  foreign  countries.  Kossuth's  mother 
is  now  here,  residing  in  the  city,  and  I  suspect,  in  various  ways,  the 
people  get  a  great  deal  of  information  about  him  and  his  move- 
ments. 

To  say  that  Kossuth  is  beloved  here,  seems  hardly  necessaiy, 
after  what  I  have  seen.  He  is  idolized.  Every  word  and  trait  of 
his  character  is  remembered  with  an  indescribable  affection.  Even 
his  faults  are  such,  as  the  people  half  love,  when  they  blame. 
They  all  acknowledge  he  did  not  possess  all  the  qualities  of  a  revo- 
lutionary leader.  There  was  too  much  tenderness  in  him.  He  had 
none  of  the  just  severity  of  a  "Washington,  or  the  sternness  of  a 
Cromwell.  He  never  could  sign  a  death  warrant,  they  say,  through 
his  whole  administration.  And  there  was  little  doubt,  if  he  had 
brought  Gorgey  before  a  court-martial,  three  months  before  the  final 
surrender,  he  might  have  saved  the  country.     But  he  never  could 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  47 

force  himself  to  it,  though  often  urged  by  his  friends.  Some  one 
told  me,  who,  I  believe  was  present,  that  a  proposition  was  made  by 
one  of  the  ministry,  on  a  certain  occasion,  to  at  once  hang  some 
prominent  men,  who  were  opeuly  traitors  to  the  Hungarian  cause. 

He  remarked  immediately  that  he  must  resign  his  place,  if  any 
such  measures  were  seriously  considered. 

They  all  lament  that  he  did  not  also  possess  strategical  talents  as 
"Washington,  so  that  the  fatal  division,  which  ruined  the  Hungarian 
cause,  might  have  been  avoided. 

Many  think  too,  that  he  was  not  far-seeing  enough,  as  a  states- 
man, and  was  too  much  wrapped  up  in  his  visionary  ideas  to  judge 
well  of  distant  European  politics.  And  that,  accordingly,  he  had 
reckoned  too  much  on  aid  from  other  powers  in  the  beginning  of  the 
struggle,  which  had  never  been  even  promised  him.  The  "  Old  Con- 
servatives "  say,  that,  even  if  he  had  succeeded,  he  would  never  have 
been  a  good  statesman.  He  was  only  an  "  agitator."  Still,  with 
all  these  flaws,  which  are  found  in  his  character,  I  have  never  met 
the  man  yet,  even  in  the  most  conservative  circles  of  Vienna,  who 
doubted  the  purity  of  Kossuth's  motives,  or  could  cast  a  slur  on  the 
stainless  honor  of  Ins  political  course. 

To  all  in  Germany  or  Hungary,  who  love  free  principles,  he  has 
endeared  himself  by  a  long  and  unwavering  course  of  devotion  to 
freedom.  His  first  efforts  were  given  to  it.  His  independent  course 
cost  him  nearly  three  years,  from  the  best  of  his  life,  in  an  Austrian 
dungeon.  He  came  forth,  broken  indeed  in  health,  but  not  in 
spirit,  to  work  again  in  the  same  good  cause ;  and  since,  through 
danger  and  obloquy,  he  has  labored  steadily  on  for  the  renovation 
of  Hungary. 

A  man  from  the  middle  classes,  he  has  never  possessed  the  con- 
fidence of  the  great  nobility — the  Magnates — but  the  heart  of  the 


48       HIS  INFLUENCE  OVER  THE  PEASANTRY. 

people  is  his.  Through  his  words,  more  than  by  any  other  influence 
did  the  parliament  of  1832  do  away  with  many  of  those  abomina- 
ble exactions  on  the  peasantry  of  Hungary— --and,  as  the  result  in 
great  part  of  his  unceasing  efforts,  may  we  consider,  that  grand  Act 
of  justice  and  generosity — one  of  the  grandest  on  record  in  history — 
of  the  parliament  of  '47  '48,  by  which  every  exaction  and  burden 
of  the  Hungarian  peasantry  was  removed,  with  the  loss  to  the  land- 
lords of  the  country  of  nearly  ninety  millions  of  dollars !  One 
can  imagine  the  influence  and  power  which  could  even  aid  in  pro- 
ducing such  results. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  Kossuth  in  Austria  or  Hungary,  friend 
and  foe  unite  in  confessing  the  unequalled  power  of  his  eloquence. 
No  human  voice,  they  will  tell  you,  ever  thrilled  with  such  music  or 
passion.  He  "  agitated,"  the  whole  land — and  there  is  not  a  Bauer 
in  the  villages  or  a  Csikos*  on  the  prairies,  they  say,  who  does  not 
remember,  as  the  day  of  days,  the  time  when,  in  breathless  silence, 
he  listened  to  those  thrilling  tones,  as  they  spoke  in  indignation  or 
in  solemnity,  of  freedom,  of  the  rights  of  the  poor  man,  of  the 
wrongs  of  their  beloved  Fatherland,  of  the  retribution  coming,  and 
of  the  "  God  of  the  Hungarians." 

I  would  mention  here,  that  everything  I  then  learned  of  Kos- 
suth's influence  over  the  peasantry,  has  been  more  than  confirmed 
by  what  I  have  seen  since  in  the  country.  The  instances  were  innu- 
merable, of  which  more  hereafter. 

I  must  mention  here,  however,  an  occurrence  which  took  place 
lately  in  Szegedin,  as  showing  how  the  "  Reformer  "  is  remembered . 
A  file  of  prisoners  were  led  into  Szegedin,  with  a  heavy  Austrian 
guard  attending  them.  It  happened  to  be  a  market-day,  on  which 
the  town  is  crowded  with  an  immense  mass  of  sturdy  peasants  from 

*  Wild  cattle  driver. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  43 

the  whole  country  around.  For  some  cause  or  other,  the  van  of 
the  soldiers  had  fallen  a  little  behind,  and  the  first  prisoner  entered 
the  market-place  almost  alone  for  the  moment.  As  he  came  to  the 
spot  where  Kossuth's  last  and  most  spirit-stirring  speeches  were 
made,  he  suddenly  stopped — took  off  his  hat — raised  his  fettered 
hands  to  heaven,  and  with  a  voice  which  rung  like  a  trumpet  over 
the  immense  crowd,  shouted  again  and  again,  "  Eljen  Kossuth! 
Eljen  Kossuth  /" 

In  a  moment,  without  thought  of  preparation  or  of  combining — 
despite  the  Austrian  cannon,  which  commanded  the  town,  and  the 
long  line  of  soldiers,  whose  bayonets  almost  touched  them — there 
came  from  the  vast  multitude  a  shout,  like  the  roar  of  the  sea  on  the 
shore — rung  out  again  and  again,  and  repeated,  "  Eljen  Kossuth  ! 
Eljen  Kossuth  !  Eljen  Kossuth  /" 

It  is  said  the  whole  Anstrian  forces  in  the  city  were  at  once  called 
out  for  fear  of  an  outbreak. 

While  I  was  in  Vienna,  an  instance  occurred  of  this  singular 
attachment  of  the  common  Hungarians  to  Kossuth. 

One  of  the  privates  in  an  Austrian  regiment,  stationed  in  Vienna, 
himself  a  Hungarian,  was  overheard  by  his  officer  to  say  "  Eljen 
Kossuth  /"  He  was  ordered  "  five-and-twenty,"  at  once.  It 
appears  when  a  man  is  flogged  in  the  Austrian  army,  he  is  obliged 
by  law  to  thank  the  officer.  This  the  Hungarian  refused  to  do. 
Another  "  five-and-twenty"  were  given  him.  Still  he  refused. 
Again,  another  flogging  ;  and  the  Hungarian,  as  he  rose,  muttered 
his  thanks  with  the  words — "  My  back  belongs  to  the  Emperor,  but 
my  heart  to  Kossuth  /" 

I  need  not  say  here,  what  is  perhaps  well  enough  known  every- 
where, that  the  Austrian  monarchy  has  no  more  dangerous  enemy 
existing  than  Louis  Kossuth.     Even  now,  with  Austrian  soldiers  in 


50  HIS    ELOQUENCE. 

every  village,  without  arms  or  means,  despoiled  of  its  best  and 
bravest,  the  land  needs  but  his  voice  to  start  it  again  into  a  whirl- 
wind of  revolution. 

I,  myself,  rather  doubt  whether  Kossuth's  eloquence  would  have 
as  great  an  effect  on  an  Anglo-Saxon  audience  as  a  Hungarian.*  It 
is  too  tropical,  almost,  for  our  latitude ;  too  rich  in  splendid  imagery, 
too  poetic  and  passionate,  to  suit  our  cooler  natures.  Yet,  who 
should  judge  alone  from  the  written  speeches?  It  is  notorious  that 
the  reported  orations  of  the  two  greatest  orators  in  our  country — 
Clay,  and  the  earlier  native  orator  of  the  Revolution,  Patrick  Henry 
— never  began  to  convey  an  idea  of  their  rich  eloquence.  Many  of 
Kossuth's  speeches,  however,  as  one  reads  them,  are  able  political 
arguments,  as  well  as  passionate  appeals. 

And  it  is  very  evident,  even  in  the  Reports,  that  he  was  master 
of  all  the  arts  of  oratory.  His  opening  words  they  say,  like  the 
Hungarian  national  airs,  were  always  low  and  plaintive  in  the 
utterance,  and  reminded  you,  at  first,  rather  of  some  poet  or  con- 
templative clergyman,  than  of  the  political  orator.  But  gradually 
his  face  lighted  up,  his  voice  deepened  and  swelled  with  his  feeling  ; 
and  there  came  forth  tones  which,  for  thrilling  passion,  and  power, 
and  sweetness — those  say  who  heard  him — were  never  equalled  by 
human  voice.  His  appeals,  like  those  of  most  of  the  greatest 
orators  on  record,  were  addressed  exceedingly  often  to  the  religious 
feelings  of  his  hearers — a  practice  entirely  consistent  with  his  own 
nature,  which  is  deeply  tinged  with  reverence.  In  fact,  this  ten- 
dency of  his,  is  perhaps  one  great  secret  of  his   power  over  the 

*  This  was  written  before  Kossuth  had  made  his  grand  efforts  in  oratory 
in  England  and  America.  It  is  worth  retaining  to  show  the  impressions 
derived  of  him,  in  Hungary  itself,  and  to  illustrate  the  extraordinary  ability 
of  the  man,  in  adapting  his  speeches  to  different  nations. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  51 

people  of  Hungary — for  the  peasantry  of  that  land,  beyond  that  of 
almost  any  other,  are  remarkahle  for  a  simple,  reverent  piety.* 

*  We  give  a  specimen  of  one  of  those  almost  prophetic  appeals  which 
Kossuth  addressed  to  the  Hungarians. 

l:  Hear!  patriots  hear  ! 

"  The  Eternal  God  doth  not  manifest  Himself  in  passing  wonders,  but  in 
everlasting  laws. 

li  It  is  an  eternal  Law  of  God,  that  whosoever  abandoneth  himself,  will 
be  of  God  forsaken. 

"  It  is  an  Eternal  Law,  that  whosoever  assisteth  himself,  him  will  the 
Lord  assist. 

"  It  is  a  Divine  Law,  that  swearing  falsely  is  by  its  results,  self- 
chastised. 

"  It  is  a  Law  of  God,  that  he  who  resorteth  to  perjury  and  injustice 
prepareth  his  own  shame  and  the  triumph  of  the  righteous  Cause. 

"  In  firm  reliance  upon  these  eternal  laws — on  these  laws  of  the  Universe 
— I  aver  that  my  prophecy  will  be  fulfilled,  and  I  foretell  that  this  invasion 
of  Jellachich,  will  work  out  Hungary's  liberation.         *         *         * 

"  The  Hungarian  people  have  two  duties  to  fulfil. 

"  The  first,  to  rise  in  masses  and  crush  the  foe,  invading  her  paternal 
soil. 

"  The  second,  to  remember. 

"If the  Hungarian  should  neglect  these  duties,  he  will  prove  himself 
dastardly  and  base.  His  name  will  be  synonymous  with  shame  and  wick- 
edness. So  base  and  dastardly,  as  to  have  himself  disgraced  the  holy 
memory  of  his  forefathers — so  base,  that  even  his  Maker  shall  repent 
having  created  him  to  dwell  upon  this  earth — so  accursed,  that  air  shall 
refuse  him  its  vivifying  strength — that  the  corn-field,  rich  in  blessings, 
shall  grow  into  a  desert  beneath  his  hand — that  the  refreshing  well-head 
shall  dry  up  at  his  approach.  Then  shall  he  wander  homeless  about  the 
world,  imploring  in  vain  from  compassion,  the  dry  bread  of  charity. 
******** 

"  For  the  consolation  of  religion,  he  shall  sigh  in  vain. 

"  The  craven  spirit,  by  which  Creation  has  been  polluted,  shall  find  no 
forgiveness  in  this  world,  no  pardon  in  the  next.         .... 


52  HIS  SPEECH  ON  THE  WAR-QUESTION. 

If  eloquence  is  to  be  judged  from  its  effects,  there  has  been  no 
orator  like  Kossuth  since  Demosthenes. 

My  friends  have  often  described  to  me  one  of  the  most  splendid 
of  his  efforts,  when,  in  the  face  of  a  vigorous  opposition,  he  had 
brought  forward  his  bill  before  the  Parliament  of  '48,  for  a  levy  of 
200,000  men,  and  the  raising  of  an  immense  sum  of  money,  neces- 
sary for  the  war.  It  was  the  great  crisis  of  the  session — indeed 
of  Hungary's  whole  history.  All  felt  it  so  ;  all  were  reluctant  to  take 
the  last  step,  which  should  commit  them  to  open  war. 

After  a  long  and  most  eloquent  argument  and  speech  for  his  bill, 
he  at  length  said  :  "  To-day,  we  are  the  Ministers  of  the  nation  ;  to- 
morrow, there  may  be  others.  That  is  a  matter  of  no  conse- 
quence. The  Ministry  can  change,  but  Thou,  oh,  my  Country, 
must  for  ever  endure — and  with  this,  or  another  Ministry,  the 
nation  must  preserve  the  Fatherland.  Therefore,  to  avoid  all  mis- 
understandings, I  say  outright,  and  solemnly,  that  if  I  ask  this 
House  for  200,000  soldiers,  and  the  necessary  sums  thereto,  and 
they  do  not — " 

Before  he  could  finish  his  sentence,  the  House,  worked  up  to  an 
intense  pitch  of  excitement  by  the  speech,  rose  as  one  man,  and 
shouted,  "  We  give  it !  we  give  it  /" 

It  is  said,  that  all  Kossuth  could  do  in  reply  was  to  bow  low  to 
tbe  audience,  the  tears  flowing  down  his  cheeks,  with  the  words, 
"  /  bow  myself  before  the  greatness  of  this  nation  ;  if  there  be  as 
much  energy  in  the  execution  as  there  has  been  patriotism  in  the 
offer,  Hell  itself  could  never  conquer  Hungary !" 

"  To  arms !  Every  man  to  arms  !  And  let  the  women  dig  a  deep  grave 
between  Vesyprem  and  Schervar,  in  which  to  bury  either  the  name,  fame, 
and  nationality  of  Hungary,  or  our  '  enemy.' " — Memoirs  of  a  Hungarian 
Lady,  by  Madame  Pulsky,  p    169. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  53 

The  effect  of  the  speech  was  such  that  the  President  of  the 
Assembly  left  his  seat  to  embrace  the  orator,  and  the  House 
instantly  adjourned,  as  unable  to  attend  to  any  other  business 
after  it. 

For  myself,  I  must  say,  that  from  all  my  opportunities  of  judg- 
ing, the  opinion  of  the  nation  of  Kossuth's  character  seems  the 
correct  one.  That  he  was  no  General,  and  never  claimed  to  be, 
every  one  must  admit;  that  he  had  not  the  sternness  of  a  Revolu- 
tionary Leader,  one  must  also  allow  and  can  easily  pardon  ;  that  he 
was  too  easily  influenced  by  those  he  loved,  and  too  often  led  by 
members  of  his  own  family,  not  so  democratically  inclined  as  himself, 
there  seems  reason  to  believe.  But  that  "  he  was  only  an  Agitator" 
is  not  true.  The  measures  which  he  undertook  and  carried  out  in 
the  beginning  of  his  administration  for  the  improvement  of  the 
finances,  and  for  the  bringing  every  possible  power  of  Hungary  into 
action,  are  among  the  most  gigantic  and  yet  efficient  which  any 
financial  minister  ever  attempted.  Of  these  we  shall  have  more  to 
say  hereafter. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  if  Kossuth  could  have  executed 
Gorgey,  he  might  have  saved  the  country.  But  this  was  no  easy 
matter.  Gorgey's  treachery  was  by  no  means  apparent.  The 
great  mass  of  Magyar  officers  and  many  of  the  privates  were 
devotedly  attached  to  him.  Two  of  the  ministry  itself,  Aulich  and 
CWinyi,  were  his  firm  friends. 

And  the  others,  among  whom  was  Casimir  Batthyanyi,  held 
themselves  neutral.  Kossuth  and  Szemcre,  alone  mistrusted  his 
fidelity.  In  the  veiy  last  session  too,  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament, 
(July  28),  less  than  three  weeks  before  the  final  surrender,  a  large 
majority  expressed  themselves,  though  indirectly,  in  favor  of  Gorgey. 
An  attempt  of  Kossuth  to  arrest  or  try  such  a  General,  at  the  head 


54  OPINIONS    OF    HIS    CHARACTER. 

of  his  army,  might  have  cost  him  his  own  life,  and  ruined  the  last 
feeble  chance  for  the  Hungarian  cause. 

It  is  true,  also,  that  he  had  reckoned  on  sympathy  from  the  free 
and  the  liberal  everywhere  in  Europe,  which  he  did  not  receive — a 
mistake  into  which  very  many,  even  in  foreign  lands,  fell,  besides 
himself. 

Was  it  strange  that  a  State  which  had  supported  liberal  institu- 
tions for  more  than  six  hundred  years,  which  was  now  perilling  its 
life  in  the  defence  of  them,  should  expect  some  little  aid  from  the 
old  champions  of  freedom  in  Europe  ? 

Would  it  seem  so  extremely  improbable,  that  England,  which  had 
often  interfered  in  much  pettier  matters  on  the  Continent,  should 
stretch  out  a  strong  arm  here,  and  demand  "  fair  play"  for  the  hard 
straggle  for  liberty  ?  One  can  well  pardon  it  in  a  Ilungarian  states- 
man that  he  expected  this — and  can  only  wonder  that  he  was 
disappointed. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  Kossuth  hereafter,  history  will  record  of 
him  that  he  was  a  revolutionary  Leader,  without  a  stain  of  dishonor 
or  cruelty  upon  his  character ;  that  he  headed  a  nation  in  its 
struggles  without  leaving  a  suspicion  of  ambition  being  among  his 
motives. 

We  hope  and  believe,  however,  that  his  part  is  not  yet  played  out 
in  ?he  world's  history. 

I  had  written  thus  far  of  Kossuth,  as  he  came  before  me  in 
Hungary.  In  his  late  progress  through  England  and  America,  all 
these  impressions  have  only  deepened  and  strengthened.  Adversity 
has  expanded  him.  He  seems  no  longer  the  Hungarian  orator  or 
statesman — the  man  of  tender,  affectionate  nature. 

He  stands  up  before  us  rather  as  a  great,  massive  character — a 
man  for  all  times  and  countries. 


HUNGARY   IN     1851.  55 

Yes,  History  has  witnessed  no  more  sublime  sight. 

The  Exile  and  Outeast  for  freedom,  beaten  by  misfortunes  and 
sorrows,  yet  laboring  on — hopeful,  undismayed,  trusting  in  the 
might  of  Principle  and  a  great  Cause — for  his  unhappy  people  * 
pleading  before  other  nations  for  his  own  nation,  even  as  for  his  own* 
life ! 

The  man  from  a  distant  Oriental  tribe,  coming  here  and  uttering, 
in  a  foreign  tongue,  principles  of  such  exalted  and  comprehensive 
Truth  and  Nobleness,  and  so  stamping  them  with  the  wonderful 
sincerity  and  dignity  of  his  character,  that  the  coldest  of  us  are 
inspired — and  the  journey  of  the  fugitive  becomes  a  triumph,  such 
as  no  king  or  conqueror  could  win. 

Kossuth  may  fail ;  the  Cause  which  he  loves  may  go  down  in 
darkness ;  but  the  thoughts  and  words  he  has  uttered  here  are 
sowing  a  mighty  harvest. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

GoRGEY. 

Ttf  regard  to  G'drgey,  one  of  my  friends  here  lately  remarked, 
that  he  was  the  opposite  of  Kossuth — "  Kossuth  was  a  Hungarian 
and  nothing  else — and  Gorgey  was  everything  but  a  Hungarian." 

There's  much  truth  in  the  remark.  Gorgey  never  had  the  least 
sympathy  with  either  the  virtues  or  the  weaknesses  of  his  country- 
men. A  man  of  cold,  stern  nature,  of  few  words  and  tremendous 
deed,  he  always  laughed  over  the  Magyar  fire,  and  eloquence,  and 
patriotism.  Despite  the  falseness  he  displayed  at  last,  there  is  some- 
thing very  striking  about  his  character.  If  he  was  a  traitor,  he  was 
no  common  one. 

His  career  commenced  in  a  characteristic  way,  by  his  hanging  up, 
when  he  was  only  a  major,  one  of  the  first  noblemen*  of  Hungary, 
for  treachery,  as  sternly  and  indifferently  as  if  the  man  had  been  a 
run-a-way  drummer.  The  affair  made  a  great  noise,  and  brought 
his  name  very  prominently  before  the  public.  His  after  course  was 
consistent  with  this — as  cool  in  a  discharge  of  grape,  his  officers  say, 
as  he  was  at  the  council-board. 

*  Count  Zichy. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  57 

They  have  told  me  they  have  often  seen  him,  in  the  midst  of  a 
fearful  charge  around  him,  sitting  quietly  on  his  horse,  with  pistol 
in  hand — but  not  for  the  enemy.  The  moment  he  saw  a  man  flinch 
he  shot  him  as  unrelentingly  as  if  he  had  been  a  dog.  He  seemed 
to  others  utterly  cold  and  indifferent  to  what  men  usually  long 
after.  He  always  professed,  amid  his  most  splendid  achievements, 
he  would  rather  be  teaching  chemistry  than  leading  an  army. 
"When  Kossuth  sent  him,  on  one  occasion,  200,000  guilders, 
(-$100,000),  to  make  a  provision  for  his  future,  and,  in  order  not  to 
offend  him,  inclosed  it  to  his  wife,  he  sent  it  back,  with  the  remark, 
"  If  I  fall,  I  shall  not  need  it,  and  my  wife  can  be  governess  again 
as  she  was  before  ;  if  we  are  conquered,  and  I  escape,  I  can  be  pro- 
fessor abroad ;  if  we  conquer,  and  I  survive  the  victory,  I  need  no 
money  now !" 

After  one  of  his  grand  victories,  the  ministry  sent  him  certain 
decorations  and  orders  of  honor ;  he  put  them  aside  with  a  sneer, 
that  "  such  gew-gaws  were  not  the  things  for  a  Republic" 

People  have  told  me,  that  after  the  storming  of  Ofen,  the  only 
word  on  the  lips  of  the  people  and  of  the  army,  was  "  Goryey  ! 
Gbryey  /"  but  with  all  the  demonstrations  before  his  quarters,  he 
never  even  showed  himself,  and  remained  coldly  within,  indeed  ex- 
pressing himself,  that "  This  very  bombardment  was  the  ruin  of 
Hungary." 

He  always  sneered  at  everybody,  even  the  friends  who  idolize  I 
him  ;  and  was  almost  the  only  man  in  Hungary,  who  was  perfectly 
indifferent  under  Kossuth's  eloquence.  Amid  the  splendidly  dressed 
Hungarian  officers,  he  always  appeared  in  his  old  major's  coat,  and 
in  boots,  which  he  had  not  taken  off,  perhaps,  for  a  week. 

A  lady  told  me  that  she  met  him  after  the  taking  of  Ofen,  in  a 
vile-looking  coat,  with  a  great  hole  in  one  of  the  ellwws. 
3* 


58  HIS    PRIDE    OF    CHARACTER. 

She  remonstrated  with  him  for  wearing  such  a  thing.     "  Poh  !" 
he  said,  "  I  shall  be  known  through  all  my  rags  !" 

"  ^a/i,"  said  she,  pointing  to  the  rent),  "  see  the  Diogenes  peeping  " 
through  the  hole  /"  at  which  he  seemed  very  unusually  disconcerted.  I 
And  I  have  no  doubt,  the  lady  had  hit  the  matter,  exactly.     It  was 
not  that  he  was  indifferent  to  people's  opinion.     lie  took  this  very 
course  to  show  his  own  pride  ;  his  ruling  trait  seems  to  have  been  a 
mean,  selfish  pride. 

With  such  a  character  as  this,  he  never  could  endure  the  supre- 
macy of  Kossuth.  And  very  probably,  to  a  cold,  proud  man  like 
him,  the  sense  of  obligation — Kossuth  had  elevated  him  to  his  pre- 
sent rank — embittered  his  jealousy.  From  all  I  have  heard  in  Hun- 
gary, I  should  judge  that  there  must  have  been  constant  bickerings 
between  them.  He  never  appreciated  at  all  Kossuth's  ideal,  eleva- 
ted character,  and,  soldier-like,  despised  him  for  being  no  General, 
and  Kossuth  in  return,  could  not  understand  a  nature  so  icy  and 
indifferent  as  Gorgey's.  In  regard  to  his  treachery,  there  is  still 
some  little  difference  of  opinion  in  Hungary.  A  few  believe  that  as 
long  as  a  General  could,  he  up  held  the  sinking  fortunes  of  the  coun- 
try, and  at  length  surrendered,  when  there  was  nothing  more  for 
man  to  do.  The  general  voice,  however,  pronounces  him  a  traitor. 
The  facts  of  his  last  military  operations  are  briefly  these. 

On  the  evening  of  July  2d,  1849,  as  Gorgey's  forces  lay  in  their 
entrenched  camps  opposite  Komorn,  a  deputation  from  the  Hun- 
garian government  came,  announcing  that  Meszaros  was  appointed 
commander-in-chief,  and  that  Gorgey  must  obey  him.  Gorgey  had 
that  day  fought  one  of  his  most  brilliant  battles,  in  which  he  him- 
self had  displayed  a  heroic  bravery,  and  had  even  been  severely 
wounded.      He   returned   for    answer,   in    his    laconic   way,   that 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  59 

"  Henceforth  lie  should  fight  for  his  country  uncontrolled  hy  any 


one." 


His  only  course  now,  as  a  General,  was  manifestly  to  unite  his 
forces  with  the  armies  on  the  central  plain  of  Hungary,  and  to  act 
from  that  as  a  centre,  on  the  various  isolated  bodies  of  Austrians 
and  Russians  inarching  in. 

He  waited,  however,  till  it  was  too  late,  and  then  failed  hi  a  grand 
attempt  to  break  through  the  Austrian  lines  on  the  south. 

The  only  other  outlet  was  through  the  Kussiau  forces  on  the  East. 
By  some  masterly  manoeuvres,  and  after  a  sanguinary  battle — the 
battle  of  Waizen — he  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way  through,  and  in 
retreating  into  the  Carpathians.  "  During  this  battle,"  says  Kos- 
suth, "General  Perczel  was  only  a  few  miles  distant  with  26,000 
men,  and  Gorgey  neither  wrote  nor  sent." 

After  this,  succeeded  one  of  the  most  ably-conducted  retreats  on 
record ;  marches  and  counter-marches,  climbing  of  mountains  and 
threading  difficult  passes,  sudden  escapes,  and  as  sudden  tre- 
mendous attacks. 

Never  had  Gorgey  shown  a  more  brilliant  genius.  With  enemies 
hemming  him  in  on  every  side,  he  baffled  them,  turned  their  own 
positions,  made  his  retreat  a  means  of  attack,  and  often  overwhelmed 
them  with  assaults  from  the  quarter  in  which  they  least  expected 
them. 

Through  it  all,  he  shared  all  the  fatigues  of  his  soldiers — and 
st.  in.  <1  even  to  court  death  in  the  battle — wearing,  as  he  had  never 
been  known  to  do  before,  his  splendid  General's  uniform,  in  the 
very  hottest  of  the  fire,  and  fighting  himself  hand  to  hand. 

Twice  during  this  masterly  retreat,  he  could  have  united  his 
army  with  the  Hungarian  army  on  the  plain  within  the  Theiss,  and 
have  saved    Hungary.    Once  at    Gyongyd^  where  a  few  hours 


60  SCENE    IN    GORGEY-S    CAMP. 

march  would  have  brought  him  to  Hatvan,  and  to  the  victorious 
corps  of  Dembinski,  numbering  20,000  men.  And  again  at  the 
Jlernad,  where  he  commanded  the  only  two  passages  of  the  Theiss 
— that  at  Tisza-fured,  and  at  Tokai.  A  union  with  the  other  armies 
at  either  of  these  points,  would  have  annihilated  the  principal 
Russian  corps — and  have  extended  the  war  some  months  longer. 
A  delay  of  a  month  at  that  season,  was  a  victory  for  the  Hunga- 
rians. No  foreigner  can  withstand  the  fatal  Theiss-fevers,  which 
prevail  in  those  marshy  plains  in  September. 

Gorgey  wilfully  neglected  both  these  opportunities,  and  at  length, 
crossed  the  Theiss,  when  it  was  too  late  to  unite  himself  with  the 
other  Hungarian  armies. 

Again  at  Debreczin,  it  only  needed  a  short  return  upon  his 
march,  to  have  aided  the  heroic  little  body  under  Nagy  Sandor, 
making  their  stand  against  the  whole  Russian  army — and,  as  most 
believe,  to  have  utterly  destroyed  the  Russian  army  from  the 
North. 

One  of  Gorgey's  officers  has  often  described  to  me  that  scene,  in 
the  camps,  when  from  only  a  short  distance  in  their  rear,  there  came 
up  the  booming  of  a  great  battle.  Every  one  knew  what  the  odds 
must  be— Sandor  with  8,000— the  Russians  with  80,000.  They 
knew  too  the  Russian  must  have  been  held  at  bay.  "Without 
a  word  of  command  every  hussar  saddled  and  mounted;  the 
regiments  drew  up  in  marching  order ;  the  trumpeters  flourished 
their  trumpets,  impatient  for  the  signal — but  no  word  came — 
Gorgey  was  quiet  within  his  tent.  Still  the  heavy  booming  came 
up  on  the  wind,  more  incessant  and  angry — as  if  the  little  band 
of  Hungarians  were  making  their  last  desperate  struggle.  Finally, 
the  impatient  hussars  could  bear  it  no  longer — they  broke  into  the 
General's  tent — and  demanded  the  signal  for  advance. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  CI 

Gorgey  came  forth,  as  cold,  and  undisturbed  as  ever — and  seeing 
the  array,  addressed  them  : 

"  My  children  !  This  is  wrong.  You  have  followed  me  long — 
do  not  disobey  me  now.  I  understand  what  is  best.  Trust  to  me. 
A  General  must  not  be  commanded  by  his  army.  You  will  soon 
see  that  I  have  led  you  right. 

"  Officers !  see  that  every  soldier  is  ready  for  the  march !"  and 
he  retired  to  his  tent  again. 

My  friend  says,  that  some  of  the  old  weather-beaten  hussars 
wept — and  others  broke  their  swords — but  all  soon  marched 
forward  again,  despondingly  on  the  line  of  retreat — not  yet  doubt- 
ing their  beloved  General. 

A  few  days  after,  came  the  disgraceful  surrender  at  Vilagos. 

What  could  have  been  the  motives  for  all  this  ?  There  was  no 
deliberate,  long-sustained  treachery  in  it,  for  traitors  do  not  expose 
their  lives  in  battle,  or  enter  on  such  difficult  and  dangerous  enter- 
prises, as  this  retreat,  when  betrayal  would  have  been  easier  in 
the  outset. 

To  me,  it  all  seems  in  consistency  with  Gbrgey's  character.  He 
was  unspeakably  jealous  of  Kossuth ;  he  was  angry  at  the  Gov- 
ernment for  appointing  another  Commander-in-chief.  And  he 
wrould  rather  risk  the  Hungarian  cause  on  his  sole  adventurous 
efforts,  than  see  it  conquer  under  others.  Whenever  he  should 
enter  the  plain  of  the  Theiss,  he  loses  his  command.  Tf  Hungary 
conquered,  it  would  be  with  Gorgey  second. 

I!'-  preferred  defeat,  or  treachery  to  this.  This  maybe  the 
explanation  of  his  first  movements.  After  he  crossed  the  Theiss,  he 
probably  commenced  negotiations  at  once  with  the  Russians;  for 
with    characteristic   pride,  he    always  said  that   he  would    rather 


62  HIS    TREACHERY. 

fight  till  the  death,  than  surrender  to  the  Austrians — the  enemy, 
■whom  he  had  conquered. 

At  Debreczin,  very  prohably,  the  negotiations  had  proceeded 
too  far,  to  admit  of  his  making  an  overwhelming  attack  on  the 
Russians. 

Let  the  motives  be  what  they  may,  I  have  no  doubt  he  was 
false — basely  and  meanly  false  to  his  country. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  his  early  course,  for  his  last  act  of 
unconditional  surrender  and  betrayal  at  Vilagos,  no  excuse  or 
palliation  can  be  found.  He  could  not  have  lost  more,  had  he 
fought  out  the  war,  to  the  last  inch  of  ground  on  the  Hungarian 
Pusztas,  All  his  faithful  comrades  who  had  stood  by  his  side  in 
many  a  hard-fought  field,  and  had  messed  at  his  table,  were  left  to 
the  gallows  or  the  axe.  The  brave  soldiers  who  had  followed  him, 
through  his  long  and  weary  retreat,  with  unshaken  confidence  and 
love,  believing  that  "  their  Gorgey"  would  come  out  right  at  last, 
were  abandoned  to  Austrian  dungeons,  or  left  to  be  drafted  into  the 
"  Imperial  regiments." 

He  saved  nothing  but  his  own  miserable  life. 
No  man  in  Hungary  believes  that  he  did  this  act  of  malignant 
treachery  for  gold.     It  was  all  from  his  diabolical  pride. 

His  reward  has  been  poor  enough  :  a  residence  in  a  small  town 
of  Styria,  under  the  inspection  of  Austrian  spies  :  a  narrow  stipend 
from  Government,  and  the  howl  of  detestation  and  wrath  following 
him  from  the  whole  Hungarian  nation.  He  is  said  to  be  pursuing 
his  study  of  chemistry  quietly  in  Ivlagenfurt,  where  probably  he  will 
die.  The  bitterest  punishment  for  the  proud  man,  the  scorn  and 
contempt  of  the  world,  has  met  him,  and  we  may  leave  him  to  it. 

History  will  draw  his  course  as  a  short  one,  but  a  strange  one. 
A  career,  brilliant  with  a  few  strokes  of    magnificent  genius,  but 


HUNGARY    IN    185L  63 

blackened  by  a  satanic  pride,  and  by  one  malignant  act  of  gigantic 
treachery. 

To  say  that  he  is  hated  in  Hungary,  is  to  express  feebly  the 
feelings  of  the  nation  toward  him.  The  concentrated  bitterness  of 
the  people,  trodden  into  the  very  ground  by  the  oppressor,  is  poured 
forth  on  the  man  to  whom  they  intrusted  all,  and  who  betrayed 
them. 

I  give  one  instance,  in  an  occurrence  which  happened  this  Spring, 
in  Klagenfnrt.  Two  Honveds — common  soldiers — were  returning 
from  the  regiment,  in  Italy,  in  which  they  had  been  drafted,  to  their 
homes,  on  furlough.  They  had  just  pay  enough  to  be  able  to  reach 
Klagenfurt ;  and  there,  were  utterly  at  a  loss  what  to  do — in  a 
strange  town,  stripped  of  everything,  and  without  any  means  of 
raising  money.  Though  it  sorely  offended  their  Hungarian  pride, 
they  at  last  resolved  to  beg.  One  said  that  he  could  not  begin ; 
and  the  other  offered  to  commence,  by  trying  in  a  coffee-house,  near 
by. 

The  very  first  gentleman  whom  he  asked  gave  him  several  silver 
zwanzigers.  Surprised  at  such  overflowing  generosity,  he  went  out 
and  showed  his  gains  to  his  comrade,  and  told  him  to  go  in  and 
try,  for  if  he  had  as  good  luck,  their  begging  would  be  at  an  end. 
The  other  went  in,  and  came  out  soon,  joyfully,  with  his  zwanzigers. 
They  were  counting  their  gains,  when  a  Kellucr,  (waiter)  happening 
to  step  out,  asked  them  if  they  knew  who  it  was,  who  had  been  so 
generous  to  them?  "No,"  they  said,  "we  do  not."  "That  is 
G'Orgcy,  the  Hungarian  General !" 

Both  the  soldiers  rose  up  without  saying  a  word,  strode  into  the 
coffee-house,  dashed  the  money  on  the  table  before  Gorgey, 
"  Seoundrel  !  rather  die  of  hunger  than  take  a  kreutzer  from  you  I" 
and  then  left  the  coffee-house.    The  affair,  however,  was  soon  now-  .1 


64    FEELINGS    OF    COMMON   SOLDIERS   TOWARDS    HIM. 

about  in  the  hotel,  and  a  handsome  purse  was  made  up  for  the  two 
beggared  soldiers,  with  which  they  safely  reached  Hungary,  where 
they  told  the  occurrence.  It  shows  well  what  even  the  poorest 
Hungarian  feels. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

My  route  from  Pesth  into  the  interior  of  the  country,  was,  at 
first,  by  the  railroad,  to  Szolnok,  a  town  on  the  Theiss,  and  then 
afterwards  by  steamer  on  the  Theiss,  up  into  the  great  central  plain 
of  Hungary. 

This  road,  from  Pesth  to  Szolnok,  is  the  only  line  of  railroad  East 
of  the  Capital,  in  a  part  of  the  land  which,  above  all  others,  needs  a 
railroad,  and  where  it  could  be  built  most  cheaply.  It  is  only  some 
sixty  miles  in  length,  but  does  a  very  fair  business.  The  great  curse 
and  drawback  upon  the  Hungarian  trade  or  commerce,  has  always 
been  the  want  of  good  roads.  From  Pesth  to  Debreczin,  a  town  of 
55,000  inhabitants,  to  Gros'Wardein  of  perhaps  20,000,  and  to 
Szegedin,  another  large  and  important  agricultural  town,  there  is 
not  a  road  which  could  be  called,  with  us,  even  a  moderately  good 
highway.  The  road  to  Debreczin  is,  much  of  it,  only  a  prairie 
track,  with  some  half  dozen  different  paths  frequently,  straggling 
about  the  plain.  In  the  season  in  which  I  travelled  these  roads, 
afterwards,  everything  about  them  was  veiy  comfortable  and  pleas- 
ant. In  fact,  nothing  can  be  more  agreeable  than  riding  over  mea- 
dow-roads in  the  late  Spring.  But  in  the  Autumn  or  Winter,  when 
the  rains  come,  all  these  pleasant  fields  become  immense  morasses, 


66  RAILROADS    IN    HUNGARY. 

the  roads  are  cut  with  huge  ruts,  and  filled  with  holes,  and  it  is 
said,  it  takes  often  as  long  to  go  from  Grosswardein  to  Pesth,  in  that 
season,  as  from  Pesth  to  Paris  ! 

In  a  land  whose  population  is  nearly  two-thirds  that  of  the  United 
States,  with  an  area  of  some  100,000  square  miles,  there  are  not 
more  than  three  or  four  regular  fines  of  stage  coaches,  and  only 
some  two  thousand  miles  of  roads !  I  found,  on  inquiring  in  Pesth 
that  I  could  not  depend  at  all  on  public  conveyances  in  the  interior, 
but  must  trust  to  chance,  or  the  procuring  a  " Vorspann"  as  it  is 
called — that  is,  a  wagon  with  four  horses,  which  the  peasants  are 
obliged,  under  certain  circumstances,  to  furnish  the  traveller,  for  one 
"  stage,"  or  ten  miles. 

However,  as  it  proved,  the  universal  courtesy  and  hospitality  of 
the  people  saved  me  all  trouble  on  that  score,  and  I  did  not  use  a 
public  vehicle  once  after  getting  into  the  interior. 

The  most  important  part  of  Hungary,  where  the  densest  popula- 
tion dwells,  and  where  is  the  greatest  wealth — Central  Hungary — is 
admirably  adapted  for  railroads— universally  level,  with  tracts  of 
firm  ground,  and  easy  to  be  connected  with  all  other  important 
points  of  the  country.  Stone  might  be  brought  without  any  vast 
difficulty,  down  the  Theiss,  froin  the  mountainous  regions,  and  the 
very  considerable  trade  and  travel  between  the  Capital  and  all  this 
region,  would  insure  business  enough.  Before  the  Revolution,  the 
whole  nation  had  become  aroused  to  the  importance  of  this  matter. 
One  road  was  built  to  Szolnok,  and  the  line  surveyed,  beyond,  to 
Debreczin,  Grosswardein,  and  planned  even  to  Klausenburg,  in  the 
mountainous  Siebenburgen,  from  whence  it  was  hoped  it  might 
connect,  ultimately,  with  Constantinople,  and  bring  with  it  the  whole 
trade  of  the  East  to  Europe.  A  branch  line,  too,  was  laid  out 
through  Kecskemet  to  Szegedin,  and  another,  on  the  north,  to  con- 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  67 

nect  Debreczin  -with  the  region  of  the  precious  Tokay  wine,  and 
perhaps  with  the  rich  mining  region  in  the  Carpathians.  Another 
very  important  line  was  much  discussed,  which  should  connect 
Pesth,  on  the  south,  with  Fiume  aud  the  harbors  on  the  Adriatic, 
and  thus,  at  length,  open  the  long-hemmed-in  commerce  of  Hungary 
to  the  world. 

The  storm  of  the  Revolution,  however,  swept  away  everything — 
and  not  one  of  these  lines,  except  that  to  Szolnok,  was  even  com- 
menced. Since  the  war  the  Austrian  Government  has  done  a  little 
at  them,  but  very  little.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  talk  in  Europe 
about  the  practical  improvements  the  Austrian  Administration  is 
introducing  in  Hungary — which  improvements,  in  my  opinion,  are 
very  generally  humbugs.  It  is  true,  they  are  repairing  fortifications 
everywhere,  and  "improving"  everything  which  can  be  used  in 
enslaving  the  j)eople.  It  is  also  true  that  they  are  constructing  a 
highway  from  Szolnok  to  Grosswardein  and  Klausenburg,  and  are 
working  on  the  railroad  to  Szegedin.  But  the  first  two  of  these 
towns  are  the  central  military  stations  of  the  Austrian  army  in 
Hungary,  and  Szegedin  is  filled  with  the  most  independent  "insur- 
rectionary" population  of  the  countiy.  The  great  object  is,  un- 
doubtedly, to  have  the  means  of  transporting  forces  rapidly  to  any 
point  in  the  land,  where  a  rebellion  may  arise. 

I  found  no  "  improvements  "  going  on  out  of  the  military  routes. 
And  it  should  be  remembered  that  even  these  public  works  demand 
no  great  self-denial  from  the  Austrian  Government,  the  means  being 
wrung  from  the  impoverished  people,  and  the  work  forced  from  the 
peasantry,  in  as  extortionate  a  manner  as  ever  the  old  feudal  exac- 
tion of  the  "  Robot "  was. 

The  neglect  in  former  times  of  these  means  of  communication, 
there  is  no  doubt,  has  been  of  infinite  evil  to  the  land.     From  this 


69  EVILS    FROM    THE    WANT    OF    GOOD    ROADS. 

defect,  Hungary,  a  land  rich  enough  in  grain  to  supply  all  Europe, 
with  all  the  best  products  of  a  temperate  climate,  with  countless 
herds  of  cattle,  with  wines  superior  in  purity  and  flavor  even  to 
those  of  Spain  and  France,  with  valuable  mines,  and  above  all,  a 
vigorous,  industrious  population,  has  never  yet  had  a  foreign  trade 
of  any  importance  whatever.  Her  harbors  on  the  Adriatic  are  shut 
off  from  the  interior,  her  valleys  in  the  north  are  separated  from  the 
Capital.  The  overflowing  harvests  of  the  central  plains  will  scarcely 
pay  the  freight  to  the  borders. 

Such  was  the  difficulty  of  communication  and  the  little  enter- 
prise in  consequence,  a  few  years  ago,  that  it  pi-oved  cheaper,  when 
the  suspension  bridge  at  Pesth  was  built,  to  bring  the  iron  from 
England  and  carry  it  over  land  to  the  city,  than  to  obtain  it  from 
the  iron  mines  of  North  Hungary,  though  these  furnish  the  best  iron 
in  Europe. 

The  whole  value  of  the  exports  of  Hungary,  of  every  article, 
raw  and  manufactured,  in  1845,  did  not  amount  to  $35,000,000 
and  in  1847  did  not  probably  exceed  $37,000,000. 

The  fault  of  this  most  injurious  neglect  seems  to  lie  on  several 
sides  ;  but,  first  and  foremost,  on  the  shoulders  of  the  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment. They  never  wanted  any  "  improvements  "  which  might 
make  Flume  a  rival  to  Trieste  ;  and  their  great  object  in  all  their 
legislation  was  to  "keep  Hungary  down."  The  Austrians  talk  a 
great  deal  of  "  the  fatherly  care "  of  the  Government  over  Hun- 
gary in  former  years  ;  but  it  is  evident  at  a  glance  that  it  is  a  care 
which  is  altogether  devoted  to  one  side  of  the  family.  For  instance, 
in  the  export  of  Hungarian  wine,  the  paternal  regulation  made  it 
necessary  to  pay  2  florins,  4  kreutzers,  (or  124  kreutzers)  on  the 
Elmer  ;  but  on  the  import  of  Austrian  only  27  kreutzers — that  is, 
not  one-fourth  as  much.     Or  again,  on  cloth,  the  Austrian  import 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  69 

into  Hungary  paid  a  duty  of  5|  florins  ;  the  Hungarian  export  8| 
florins  for  the  Zentner.  Many  of  the  Hungarian  exports  paid  an 
ezport  duty  of  60  per  cent.,  and  nearly  all  imports  were  burdened 
with  a  duty  as  great.  Carpenter's  work,  for  instance,  exported,  paid 
100  per  cent.,  and  the  export  of  wrought  iron  was  altogether  forbid- 
den. The  same  principle  was  carried  out  in  all  matters  of  internal 
improvements — encourage  all  which  can  aid  Austria,  discourage 
everything  else. 

Besides,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind,  Hungary  is  a  country  where 
it  would  be  very  difficult  to  build  roads,  except  by  some  aid  of  the 
State.  There  is  no  wood  or  stone,  scarcely,  in  Central  Hungary,  and 
the  building  a  highway,  is  a  matter  of  no  small  expense.  It  was  the 
great  principle,  too,  of  the  Hungarian  Constitution  that  every  little 
town,  district,  county,  (Comitat,)  should  have  its  own  municipal 
government,  and  manage  its  own  affairs.  It  was  very  unusual  for 
the  Central  Government  to  interfere,  and  naturally  great  enterprises, 
demanding  much  capital,  were  neglected.  However,  with  all  this, 
very  much  of  the  blame  lay  also  on  the  old  Hungarian  Feudal  Con- 
stitution. 

A  system  under  which  one  class  must  build  the  roads  which  ano- 
ther class  used,  and  under  which  the  men  who  could  most  afford  to 
ride,  were  never  obliged  to  pay  toll,  could  never  expect  any  great 
progress  in  "  the  improvements  of  highways  and  bridges."  I  am 
aware,  that  in  the  last  twenty  years,  these  exactions  on  the  Bauer 
were  much  changed,  and  that  the  nobleman  had  his  own  taxes — 
heavy  enougTi — which  he  must  pay.  But  still  no  candid  man  can 
avoid  confessing,  that  such  an  inequality  as  the  above,  must  have 
its  natural  ill  effects  on  the  country. 

The  country  through  which'  the  railroad  passes  from  Pesth  to 
Szolnok,  is  remarkably  pleasant ;  much  more  diversified  than  the 


70  A    TRUE    HUNGARIAN    VILLAGE. 

land  east  of  the  Theiss,  and  with  fine  groves,  which  one  seldom  sees 
on  the  other  side  of  Szolnok.  Everywhere,  as  far  as  the  eye  could 
reach,  it  was  green  with  rich  fields  of  wheat,  or  with  long  rows  of 
vines — giving  the  impression,  which  even  the  peasants  always  seem 
to  feel,  with  pride,  about  their  Fatherland,  that  it  is  a  rich  and  fruit- 
ful country,  with  abundance  of  "  corn  and  wine." 

Szolnok  itself  is  a  genuine  Hungarian  village,  forming  a  singular 
contrast  to  the  modern  European  Pesth.  It  always  has  seemed  to 
me,  in  walking  through  these  Hungarian  villages,  as  if  one  could 
see  in  them,  as  in  a  thousand  other  things  in  the  land,  the  signs  of 
'I  their  Oriental,  nomadic  origin.  The  houses  seemed  placed  exactly 
Uas  a  company  of  Huns  or  Tartars  might  have  pitched  their  tents. 
Each  house,  in  the  most  populous  village,  separate,  with  its  yard 
and  trees  about  it,  and  bearing  no  particular  relation  in  its  position 
to  any  other  house.  In  consequence,  the  streets  wind  about  in  the 
most  entangling  manner. 

Every  house,  too,  not  much  higher  than  a  tent,  never  more  than 
one  story,  though,  of  course,  much  longer  than  our  village-houses, 
to  give  room  for  the  inmates.  The  consequence  is,  that  their  vil- 
lages occupy  an  area  some  four  times  the  extent  which  our  own  do, 
with  the  same  population.  The  town  of  Debreczin,  with  55,000 
inhabitants,  and  much  more  city-like  than  the  most  of  the  interior 
towns,  is  spread  around  over  a  space  of  ground  greater  thau  that  of 
Boston,  with  its  136,000  inhabitants.  In  a  Hungarian  village, 
there  is  no  grass  or  shrubbery  in  the  streets,  and  the  spectacle, 
wherever  a  broad  street  occurs,  is  of  a  wide  tract  of  bare  ground, 
with  hio-h  wicker-work  fences  on  each  side,  behind  which  are  a  row 
of  low,  white,  neatly  kept  houses,  with  their  trees  and  shrubbery 
around  them.  In  wet  weather,  the  vista  is  varied,  by  the  streets 
forming  one  immense  mud-hole,  from  one  end  to  the  other. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  71 

Szolnok,  April,  1851. — Have  just  been  walking-  aoout  through 
these  entangling  streets,  or  rather  tracks,  among  the  houses.  The 
fences  all  along  are  either  woven  together  with  reeds  (from  the 
Theiss)  or  are  made  by  merely  joining  these  reeds  together.  Occa- 
sionally they  are  mud  walls,  painted  white,  like  the  fences  in  Ireland. 
Everything  shows  the  great  want  under  which  the  country  suffers 
of  wood  and  stone.  The  houses  are  built  of  blocks  of  mud,  and 
plastered  and  white-washed.  There  is  not  a  stone  building,  and 
scarcely  a  wooden  building  or  fence  in  the  whole  village.  The 
streets,  on  the  whole,  have  a  bare  appearance,  but  the  acacias  every- 
where behind  the  hedges,  give  a  pleasant,  rural  aspect  to  the  houses, 
and  fill  the  air  now  with  fragrance.  One  is  disappointed  with  the 
looks  of  the  village.  The  houses  are  neat  enough,  but  nothing- 
seems  comfortable  or  tasteful.  It  is  a  village  of  Bauern  (peasants), 
and  I  was  quite  curious  to  see  how  their  houses  would  appear 
externally.  Still,  however,  I  may  have  been  disappointed  about  the 
looks  of  the  dwellings,  I  have  not  been  at  all  in  those  of  the  men. 
It  is  my  first  sight  of  the  Hungarian  Bauer,  and  all  I  can  say  is, 
that  if  all  this  "  oppressed  race"  look  like  those  men  here,  they  have 
thrived  very  well  under  their  slavery. 

It  seems  to  be  some  sort  of  a  market  day,  and  there  are  great 
numbers  of  them  gathered  in  the  square  before  my  lodgings.  Each 
man  wears  a  broad-brimmed  black  hat,  and  a  sheep-skin,  with  the 
wool  out-side,  which  he  folds  around  him  somewhat  as  the  old 
Romans  did  their  toga.  There  is  scarcely  one  among  them  who  is 
not  six  feet  high  ;  and  all  with  well-proportioned,  muscular  frames, 
as  far  as  one  can  judge,  under  their  sheep-skins.  Tliey  stride  by,  as 
erect  and  stately,  as  one  can  imagine  the  old  Indian  chiefs  to  have 
done  in  the  days  of  their  power.  There  is  something  almost  Indian- 
like  in  their  appearance — their  long,  lank,  black  hair — their  swarthy 


72  APPEARANCE    OF    THE    PEASANT    WOMEN. 

complexion — and   thin   faces,  with   their   powerful   bodies.     Soms 
wear  tanned  skins,  embroidered  very  much  like  the  Indian  robes. 

In  fact,  I  have  not  seen  a  finer-looking  set  of  men  in  Europe  than 
these  peasants  gathered  out  in  the  market-place  here.  Every  man 
seems  a  soldier. 

The  women  are  a  brown,  healthy-looking  set,  but  short,  stochj — 
not  by  any  means  so  handsome  as  the  men.  They  all  wear  little 
jackets  of  tanned  leather,  (the  kbdmbny)  prettily  embroidered,  and 
short  dresses,  with  high  boots  of  red  leather  under  them — making 
altogether  a  rather  original  appearance,  according  to  our  ideas  of 
female  apparel.  They  are  engaged  in  doing  all  the  market  business, 
and  are  chaffering  most  busily — the  men  looking  on  in  a  dignified 
way,  or  lying,  in  real  Oriental  manner,  dreaming  and  enjoying  the 
warm  spring  sun-light.  Occasionally,  a  village  squire  comes  by, 
and  they  all  touch  their  hats  to  him,  though  not  by  any  means  in  a 
slavish  manner.  They  look  and  act  like  an  independent,  sturdy  set 
of  men. 

Beside  its  interest  as  a  specimen  ot  the  Hungarian  villages, 
Szolnok  is  also  worth  visiting  by  the  traveller  for  its  reminiscences 
connected  with  the  last  war. 

It  may  be  remembered  that  in  the  winter  of  1848-49,  the 
Hungarian  army  had  withdrawn  itself  to  the  central  plains  behind 
the  Theiss,  making  that  river  the  cover  of  the  front  of  their  position. 
Of  course,  all  the  bridges  or  fords  would  be  of  great  importance. 
Of  the  four  bridges  for  four  hundred  miles,  one  is  at  Szolnok,  and  at 
this  point  were  some  of  the  hardest  contested  battles.  The  plan  of 
the  attack  in  the  spring  of  1849 — said  to  have  been  drawn  by 
Vetter  and  Dembinski — was  very  skillful  indeed.  The  main 
principle  of  it  was,  to  neglect  the  Capital,  as  of  no  importance  in  a 
strategical  point  of  view,  and  to  centre  their  forces  at  the  angle  of 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  73 

the  Danube,  near  Waizen,  and  thus  cut  off  the  Austrian  line  of 
communication  and  relieve  Komorn.  To  effect  this,  a  feigned  attack 
must  be  made  near  Pesth,  in  order  to  concentrate  the  main  body  of 
the  Austrians  there,  and  call  off  their  attention  from  the  attack 
above.  The  Hungarians  fought  at  much  advantage,  acting  from  a 
centre — "  the  Hungarian  plain" — on  a  wide  line  of  enemies  around 
them.  The  whole  proved  even  more  successful  than  was  anticipated. 
The  feigned  attack  toward  Pesth,  made  at  first  in  Szolnok,  drove 
the  enemy  back  with  immense  slaughter — the  Hungarian  General 
having  crossed  the  river  in  the  mists  below,  and  falling  on  the 
Austrian  army  on  its  flank — and  finally  from  all  the  neighborhood, 
the  enemy's  forces  were  driven  back  into  Pesth,  where  Prince 
"Windischgratz  took  his  stand,  patiently  awaiting  a  combined  attack 
from  the  whole  Hungarian  army.  He  was  only  undeceived  by 
hearing  of  Gorgey's  victorious  progress  on  the  line  of  his  communica- 
tion northward ;  and  the  only  step  left  for  him  was  to  evacuate 
Pesth  as  rapidly  as  possible.  We  all  know  the  result — that  the 
Imperial  forces  were  utterly  beaten  out  of  Hungary — and  that,  if 
Gorgey  had  followed  them  up,  as  he  should,  they  would  have  been 
annihilated,  and  probably  Vienna  itself  taken.  Besides  this  battle 
at  Szolnok,  in  March,  there  was  another  previously,  wherein  Perczel, 
by  a  similar  manoeuvre  of  crossing  the  Theiss  on  the  ice,  had  utterly 
defeated  a  large  corps  of  Austrians  posted  near  the  bridge.  The 
town  is  said  to  have  suffered  much  in  these  hotly-contested  struggles' 
It  must  have  been  speedily  repaired,  however,  as  I  could  see  very 
few  marks  of  the  injury  on  the  houses. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Theiss. 

After  a  short  time  spent  in  Szolnok,  I  started  in  a  neat  little 
steamboat  up  the  Theiss.  These  steamers,  as  well  as  those  on  the 
Danube,  belong  to  the  Company  of  the  "  Austrian  Lloyd,"  and  have 
only  been  running  a  few  years.  It  is  said,  however,  that  the 
Government  are  just  on  the  point  of  taking  them  forcibly  into  their 
own  hands,  not  wishing  to  have  the  interior  communications  of 
Hungary,  in  the  power  of  any  one  except  Austrian  officers. 

The  Theiss  is  the  peculiar,  almost  sacred,  river  of  the  Nation.  It 
enriches,  in  part,  the  land  of  the  original,  genuine  Hungarians.  The 
people  on  the  Eastern  side  of  it,  on  those  wide  plains,  are  the 
strength,  the  sinew  of  the  country.  It  is  from  among  them  that 
the  best  of  Hungary  have  come — her  statesmen  and  orators  and 
soldiers.  It  was  from  the  indomitable  peasantry  of  this  district,  that 
the  Austrian  and  Russian  armies  met  with  their  stoutest  resistance. 
Within  these  plains,  as  I  have  said  before,  all  the  wide-spread  forces 
of  the  Hungarians  withdrew  themselves,  to  fight  from  them  as  a 
centre,  against  the  vast  circle  of  the  enemy. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  75 

The  Theiss,  with  its  immense  swamps,  beside,  as  it  were,  guarding 
this  country,  is  exceedingly  important  for  its  trade.  The  wood  and 
stone  from  the  mountains  on  the  North  can  be  brought  down  to  the 
Steppes  southerly,  destitute  of  them.  The  rich  wines  of  Tokay  and 
the  hills  around  can  be  shipped  to  Szolnok,  and  so,  without  difficulty, 
to  Pesth  and  Germany.  On  the  South,  too,  that  garden  of  Hungary, 
the  Banat,  can  transmit  its  grain  and  fruits  to  Szegedin,  and  thus 
upward,  by  this  river,  to  the  Danube  and  the  capital.  It  is  the 
channel,  indeed,  for  the  immense  produce  of  Central  Hungary,  in 
wheat  and  Indian  corn  and  wine,  to  find  its  way  out.  The  great 
difficulty  is  in  the  nature  of  the  river  itself.  I  give  an  extract  here 
from  my  "  Notes,"  as  showing  something  of  this  : 

"  We  are  working  our  way  up  the  Theiss,  and  despite  the  engine's 
being  a  somewhat  powerful  one,  it  is  very  slow  work.  The  current  i? 
exceedingly  rapid,  and  for  windings  and  turns  and  crooked  channels, 
I  do  not  think  any  river  ever  began  to  equal  this  of  the  Theiss. 
It  is  said  there  is  one  spot  where  the  distance  has  been  measured, 
as  seventy  miles  by  land,  and  over  two  hundred  by  water  !  We 
find  ourselves  occasionally  with  the  bows  pointed  directly  to  the 
opposite  point  of  the  compass  from  what  they  were  ten  minutes 
before. 

"  The  stream  is  exposed  to  great  floods,  and  with  the  low  banks, 
the  waters  will  frequently  be  five  miles  from  one  side  to  the  other, 
they  tell  me.  The  spring  floods  are  hardly  over  now,  and  we  passed 
through  wide  tracks  of  water,  where  it  was  very  difficult  to  find  the 
channel.  Add  to  this  that  it  becomes  very  dry  often  in  summer, 
and  one  can  get  an  idea  how  many  hindrances  there  are  to  ite 
navigation.  We  passed,  in  one  place  through  a  canal  made  between 
two  bends  of  the  stream,  which  saved  a  long  distance  These 
canals  occur  very  often   on  the  Theiss,  and   are  made  simply  by 


76  TALK    WITH    A    HUNGARIAN    FARMER. 

digging  a  little  opening  at  one  of  the  turns  of  the  stream,  then  by 
^osening  the  ground  here  and  there  on  the  line  of  the  canal  in 
spring,  when  the  ice  comes  down  in  the  floods,  the  current  opens 
the  canal  at  once.  Very  much  has  been  done,  both  by  the  Hun- 
garian Government  and  by  individuals,  for  the  regulating  the  Theiss 
and  for  the  draining  the  immense  marshes  on  its  banks. 

Some  of  the  most  valuable  estates  in  Hungary  have  been  re- 
covered in  this  way  from  the  swamps.  Still  there  is  enough  left  to 
be  done. 

On  the  Theiss,  April,  1851. — Our  journey  up  the  Theiss  con- 
tinued through  very  much  the  same  scenery  as  that  near  Szolnok. 
Banks  fringed  with  willow  bushes,  vast  swamps  filled  with  flocks  of 
water  fowl,  and  the  peculiar  prairies,  or  Pusztas  of  Central  Hungary, 
stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  were  the  only  objects  to 
vary  the  view.  Occasionally,  immense  herds  of  horses  or  of  white 
cattle  could  be  seen  on  the  banks ;  or  the  low  white  houses  of  a 
Hungarian  village  ;  but,  throughout,  the  whole  left  an  impression  of 
solitude,  of  monotony,  though  of  grandeur  also,  upon  the  mind. 
Tired,  at  length,  of  a  scene  so  unvarying  and  almost  desolate,  I  went 
forward  to  see  what  company  we  had  on  the  fore-deck.  There  were 
a  few  common  Austrian  soldiers  there,  and  several  peasants  stretched 
out  asleep  on  the  deck  in  their  sheep-skins,  and  one  or  two  standing 
about.  As  I  was  watching  them — their  bronzed,  strongly-marked 
faces,  and  long  black  hah  streaming  over  the  flooring  as  they  slept — 
a  full,  friendly  voice  near  me,  asked  "  Where  I  thought  the  poor 
creatures  were  going  ?"  I  turned  and  saw  a  stout,  hearty-looking 
man,  with  something  of  a  farmer's  dress.  "  I  had  no  idea,"  I  told 
him — "  perhaps  to  get  work  in  the  mountains/'  "  Perhaps  so,"  said 
he — "and  perhaps  to  emigrate  to  another  part  of  the  land.  A  great 
many  go  up  the  Theiss  for  that ;  but,  it's  a  hard  thing  for  a  working- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  77 

man  to  begin  life  all  over,  in  a  new  place.     I  wonder  what  they  are 
hoping  and  wishing  for  '?" 

There  was  something  so  friendly  and  pleasant  in  the  man's  voice 
that  I  could  not  avoid  setting  at  once  into  conversation  with  him. 
I  asked  him  soon  whether  the  Bauer  (peasants)  in  that  part  of  Hun- 
gary, were  at  all  hard-pressed  to  get  along  comfortably. 

"  No,"  he  said,  "  the  Hungarian  peasants  everywhere  live  well. 
They  work  hard,  but  they  get  the  best  for  their  work.  Then  their 
wants  are  very  few  indeed." 

I  inquired  how  the  freedom  from  the  Robot  had  worked  there. 
This  Robot,  by  the  way,  is  the  old  feudal  exaction  on  the  peasants, 
by  which  they  must  work  a  certain  number  of  days  for  their  mas- 
ters in  return  for  occupying  his  land — one  of  the  greatest  burdens 
and  grievances  of  the  old  Constitution  of  Hungary.  I  will  detail  the 
particulars  more  hereafter. 

In  reply  he  said,  that  the  first  effect  now  was  very  bad  for  the 
masters  or  the  land-holders.  "  The  peasants  will  not  work  at  all, 
except  for  themselves.  The  Robot  they  looked  on  as  an  old  duty 
laid  by  the  government  on  them,  and  they  would  work  faithfully 
under  it.  It  was  something  public — established  by  the  laws.  T-ut 
now,  to  work  for  wages — and  when  Kossuth  had  made  them  inde- 
pendent  land-holders — how  could  they  ?  Beside,  the  peasant  says, 
'  Why  should  I  be  working  for  others  ?  Here  I  have  my  little  farm, 
I  can  raise  wheat  enough  for  winter,  and  wine  more  than  I  can  pos- 
sil.lv  use,  and  I  have  hogs  enough  for  all  the  Speck  (pork  fat)  I  shall 
want  during  the  year,  what  is  the  need  of  working  V 

"  The  fact  is,  they  want  very  little,  these  peasants.  Their  sheep- 
skin, which  is  their  only  cloak  or  coat,  will  last  them  summer  and 
winter,  eight  or  ten  years.  Give  them  their  pork-fat,  and  bread,  and 
wine,  and  tobacco,  which  they  themselves  grow,  and   they  will    nsk 


73    FEELING    OF   THE    PEASANTS   TOWARDS    KOSSUTH. 

for  nothing  else.     Perhaps,  after  a  while,  when  they  find  they  can 
get  more,  they  will  begin  to  want  more ;  but  now  it  is  not  so." 

I  found  I  had  stumbled  on  a  very  intelligent  man,  and  I  followed 
up  the  conversation  eagerly.  It  appeared  soon,  my  companion  was 
a  small  farmer  from  the  neighborhood  of  Szolnok,  and  in  the  course 
of  the  conversation  I  asked  what  was  the  feeling  of  the  Bauer  in 
that  section  toward  Kossuth.  I  wish  I  could  in  any  way  give  the 
full,  rich,  eloquent  tones  in  which  he  replied. 

He  said  I  could  not  imagine  the  devotion,  the  love  of  the  people 
to  him  ;  in  his  exile  and  disgrace  they  remember  him  with  prayers 
and  tears.  The  poor  creatures,  some  of  them,  think  he  was  inspired 
from  Heaven,  and  they  talk  of  him  as  if  he  was  their  prophet,  when 
they  meet ;  and  they  believe  he  is  corning  with  the  Spring,  under 
the  earth,  to  free  the  land  !  They  pray  for  him  in  their  houses,  and 
though  his  picture  is  forbidden,  most  of  them  have  it  concealed. 
"  He  is  almost  worshipped." 

I  had  not  at  all,  at  that  time,  expected  to  find  Kossuth's  name  so 
loved  among  the  peasantry,  and  I  expressed  to  him  my  astonish- 
ment, and  asked  him  how  he  explained  such  a  passionate  attach- 
ment. 

He  said  he  thought  it  was  partly  from  the  wonderful  eloquence 
of  the  man,  "  and  then,"  said  he,  "  every  peasant  remembers  what 
Kossuth's  Government  gave  them.  Under  that,  for  the  first  time, 
the  Bauer  could  choose  their  own  rulers.  They  had  elections  for 
their  judges  and  Bur  germeister.  They  could  vote  for  their  Repre 
sentatives  to  Parliament.  To  be  sure,  some  of  them  had  had  these 
rights  before ;  but  the  majority  had  never  possessed  any  share  in 
the  elections  for  the  National  Assembly.  Then,  under  Kossuth,  they 
began,  for  the  first  time,  to  be  independent,  free  landholders.  They 
knew  how  long  he  and  his  party  had  been  striving  to  make  men  of 


FTPN'OATCY    IN    1851.  79 

them,  and  when,  at  length,  he  succeeded,  of  course  they  were  grate- 
ful. But  it  was  Kossuth's  sympathy  with  them — Kossuth's  elo- 
quence, as  he  spoke  of  freedom  and  the  wrongs  of  Hungary — which 
helped  all  this  influence." 

"  But  why,"  said  I,  "  do  they  not  ascribe  something  of  their  pre- 
sent freedom  to  the  Austrian  Government  ?  You  know  the  Empe- 
ror also  decreed,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  the  manumission  of  the 
serfs." 

"  Perhaps,"  said  he,  "  the  Government  officers  might  have  made 
them  believe  that,  if  they  had  been  shrewd  enough.  But  instead, 
they  have  taken  away  everything  winch  the  Bauer  had  under  the 
Hungarian  Ministry.  In  place  of  its  being  allowed  them  to  elect 
their  own  magistrates,  the  pettiest  town-clerk  is  appointed  by  the 
Austrian  Military  Board.  All  the  chief  officers  of  a  town  are  either 
foreigners,  or  appointed  from  men  whom  they  despise.  They  have 
no  voice  or  hand  in  the  matter.  The  taxes  too  are  heavier  and 
more  vexatious,  than  ever  the  old  Robot  was.  Then,  there  are  a 
thousand  little  annoyances,  which  remind  them  continually,  they  are 
not  at  all  under  a  government  which  would  make  them  freer.  They 
cannot  shoot  even  a  crow — without  an  '  order '  from  government. 
They  must  have  a  Passe  to  go  to  the  next  village  ;  soldiers  are  all 
the  time  watching  them — or  interrupting  them.  Every  Hungarian 
too,"  said  he,  "  has  always,  from  time  immemorial,  had  the  privilege 
of  (/rumbling,  to  any  extent  he  desired.  Now,  at  a  word  against 
the  government,  he  has  the  gens  cVarmes  after  him.  The  truth  i^ 
Austrian  Government  has  gained  nothing  among  the  peasantry. 
It  might,  perhaps,  have  won  them — but  it  has  lost  them,  now, 
utterly." 

He  had  spoken  thus  far,  with  so  much  moderation,  and   in  such 
good  German,  that  T  had  nearly  concluded  he  must  be  one  of  the 


80       FARTHER  CONVERSATION    WITH   THE   FARMER. 

German  fanners,  who  I  knew  were  settled  near  Szolnok,  though 
there  was  a  richness  of  tone  and  a  kind  of  natural  eloquence  in  his 
voice,  such  as  one  seldom  hears  except  from  Hungarians.  I  asked 
him,  accordingly,  "  if  he  was  a  German  ?"  He  started  back,  almost 
as  if  insulted. 

"  No,  I  am  a  Hungarian — Hungarian,  body  and  soul !  And  all 
the  more,  now  that  my  countiy  is  in  its  time  of  misfortune  I" 

I  told  him  I  was  a  stranger,  and  asked  what  the  sentiment 
of  the  country  was,  since  the  Revolution,  under  the  new  Govern- 
ment ?. 

"  Sir,"  said  he,  "  we  have  lost  all — our  Constitution  is  gone — the 
rights  of  eight  hundred  years  swept  away  at  once.  We  are  now 
slaves,  and  nothing  else.  Spies  watch  us  everywhere.  We  cannot 
speak  or  act,  or  think  free  ;  and  no  man  is  safe.  The  emissaries  of 
the  Government  are  everywhere !" 

"  But  how  do  you  dare,"  said  I,  "  talk  in  this  way  to  a  stran- 
ger ?  There  may  be  spies  about  us — or  I  myself  may  be  a  German 
spy." 

"  We  canrCt  help  it"  said  he,  "  we  Hungarians  have  always 
talked  as  we  wished.  Wir  sind  so  gewbhnt  !  We  are  used  to  it. 
If  we  were  to  go  to  the  gallows  to-morrow,  we  should  still  talk.  It's 
our  nature.  They  may  crush  us,  as  they  can,  but  we  must  have  the 
liberty  of  speech  !" 

I  had  observed  before  this,  on  board  the  steamer,  a  great  quan- 
tity of  farming  machines — new  model  plows,  threshing-machines,  the 
latest  inventions  for  sowing  and  harrowing,  &c,  and  I  asked  him 
whether  those  were  in  general  use  in  the  land.  He  said  they  were, 
and  especially  since  the  Revolution.  The  gentry  found  it  so  difficult 
to  hire  laborers,  that  they  were  everywhere  introducing  machine 
work. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  SI 

After  some  further  very  pleasant  conversation  with  the  man,  who 
was  a  remarkably  intelligent  specimen  of  the  Hungarian  farmers,  I 
went  aft  to  the  company  on  the  other  deck.     I  remember  that  I 
noted  down  at   the  time,  that  the  most  elegant  part  of  the  passen- 
gers on  the  boat  did  not  by  any  means  best  represent  Hungary.     If 
these  were  the  examples  uf  the  gentlemen  of  Hungary,  I  was  very 
much  disappointed.     They  looked  much  more  like  the  "fast  men," 
or  the  dandies  one  sees  in  Broadway  and   Hyde  Park,  tban  the 
manly,  intelligent  gentlemen  I  had  expected  to  meet.     It   is  curious 
proof  of  the  instinct  one  acquires  of  character,  in  this  contact  with 
so  many  classes  of  men,  that  I  afterward   learned  that  these  men, 
though  belonging  to  the  highest  nobility  of  Hungary,  were  nearly 
all  of  that  party  of  the  Magnates  who  have  always  done  lea^t  credit 
to  their  country.     Men  of  immense  wealth,  but  despising  then-  peo- 
ple, and  squandering  their  fortunes  at  the   Court  of  Vienna,  or  in 
Paris.     They  took  no  part  in  the  Revolution,  and  never  cared  any- 
thing for  Hungary,  except  for  the  reuts   they  could  squeeze  from 
their  tenants,  and  the  "  studs  "  they  could  collect  on   their  estates. 
They  have  before   this  been   satisfied  with  the  smiles  of  the  Court, 
but  now,  when  everything  Hungarian  meets  with  "  the  cold  shoul- 
der "  at  Vienna,  they  have  come  back  to  Hungary  quite  as  discon- 
tented as  the  rest  of  their  countrymen.     It  is  such  privileged  drones 
as  these  that  are  always  the  weight  upon  any  country.     They  meet 
with  little  respect  in  Hungary  ;  and,  even  with  all  their  wealth,  have 
a  very  slight  influence  indeed  over  the  people. 

As  it  happened,  we  did  not  reach  the  landing-place  where  I  was 
to  stop  till  about  midnight.  After  I  had  stepped  ashore  I  found 
tli -re  was  no  inn  there,  and  I  began  to  think  1  had  brought  myself 
into  a  somewhat  unpleasant  prodicament,  whon,  luckily,  I  found  on 
the  landing,  one  of  the  gentlemen  to  whom  I  had  letters.  As  soou 
4* 


82  ARRIVAL    AT  MY   FRIEND'S   HOUSE. 

as  lie  heard  who  I  was,  he  said  at  once,  "  I  must  come  directly  to 
his  house."  "  No  Hungarian,"  said  he,  "  ever  allows  his  guest  to  go 
to  an  inn — and,  besides,  there  is  no  inn  here  for  several  miles." 
Accordingly,  I  was  soon  established  in  one  of  the  long,  spacious 
rooms  of  a  genuine  Hungarian  country  house,  discussing  a  hearty 
lunch — and  not  long  after,  slumbering  away  soundly,  the  fatigues 
of  the  day. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

S ,  Near  the  Theiss — Inner  Hungary. 

April,  1851. 

We  have  been  walking  through  every  part  of  the  village,  and 
•ailing  on  very  many  people,  and  examining  farms  and  farming, 
altogether  in  a  very  interesting  way.  The  village  is  even  more 
completely  like  a  collection  of  tents  pitched  at  random,  here  and 
there,  than  Szolnok.  The  streets  form  almost  a  labyrinth  of  tracks. 
Every  house  is  of  one  story,  white-washed,  and  with  a  little  piazza 
upheld  by  short,  thick  columns.  The  roofs  are  are  all  thatched  with 
a  covering,  nearly  a  foot  and  a  half  thick,  from  the  reeds  of  the 
TheisS.  These  reeds  (Rohrc)  are  in  universal  use  here  for  hedg<  s, 
baskets,  wicker-work  in  the  wagons,  matting,  <fec,  <Src.  There  is 
Bcareely  any  stone  or  wood  used  in  the  village,  and  the  fences  are 
of  these  reeds,  or  occasionally  of  willow  twigs,  plaited  together.  The 
houses,  as  in  Szolnok,  are  built  of  square  blocks  of  mud.  Before 
every  house  there  is  a  long-bodied,  shaggy,  white  dog,  with  a  small 
pointed  head,  very  much  resembling,  on  the  whole,  a  white  bear. 
A  peculiarly  unpleasant  animal  he  is  too,  to  a  traveller,  without  a 
walking-stick,  as  he  has  a  way  of  diving  right  out  at  one's  legs, 
without  ceremony  or  warning.  Tt  is  a  breed  peculiar  to  the  country 
entirely,  I  am  happy  to  say. 


84  HOSPITALITY. 

It  is  evident  I  am  getting  among  the  genuine  Hungarian  popula- 
tion— and  a  very  different  people  they  are  from  any  I  have  ever 
seen.  "We  would  not  call  them  very  highly  cultivated,  hut  one  sees 
at  once  there  is  a  remarkably  quick,  practical  intelligence  in  them, 
which  promises  as  much  for  the  nation  as  a  more  elaborate  educa- 
tion. They  come  before  you  at  once  as  a  "people  of  nature''' — as 
men  bred  up  in  a  generous,  vigorous,  natural  life — without  the  tricks 
of  civilization,  but  with  a  courtesy,  a  dignity,  and  hospitality  which 
one  might  imagine  the  old  Oriental  patriarchs  would  have  shown  in 
their  day. 

At  the  gentleman's  where  I  am  visiting,  friends  come  in,  take  a 
bed  in  the  large  ground-floor  room,  and  spend  the  night,  apparently 
without  the  least  ceremony.  The  tables  are  heaped  to  overflowing 
at  every  meal,  and  people  seem  to  enter  and  join  in  the  party  with- 
out any  kind  of  invitation,  as  if  the  gentleman  kept  "  open  house." 
Wherever  we  visit,  it  appears  almost  to  be  thought  an  unfriendliness 
in  us  if  we  do  not  drink  of  the  delicious  wines  they  bring  out  to  us, 
and  I  can  only  escape  by  pleading  the  poverty  of  our  country  in 
wines,  and  our  not  being  in  the  habit  of  drinking  much. 

Besides  this  generous  hospitality,  one  is  struck  at  once  with  a 
certain  heartiness  and  manliness,  in  almost  every  one.  They  all 
speak  of  Hungary,  and  with  the  deepest  feeling — but  no  one  whines. 
Every  one  seems  gloomy  at  the  misfortune  and  oppression  through 
their  beloved  land, — but  no  one  is  at  all  crushed  in  spirit.  If  this  is 
a  specimen  of  the  nation,  they  are  not  in  the  least  broken  by  their 
defeat. 

The  whole  effect  of  the  courtesy  and  manly  bearing  of  the  people, 
too,  is  extremely  increased  by  their  fine  personal  appearance.  I 
have  never  seen  so  many  handsome  men  in  my  life,  it  seems  to  me. 

In  fact,  one  gets  some  idea  here  what  the  human  frame  was 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  85 

intended  by  nature  to  be.  Every  man  tall — in  frame  not  brawny  ; 
but  with  full  chest,  and  compact,  well-knit  joints — limbs  not  large, 
but  exceedingly  well  proportioned,  and  a  gait  the  most  easy  and 
flexible  which  can  be  imagined.  The  type  of  the  race,  I  believe,  is 
not  a  great  stature.  These  men  here,  however,  made  me,  though 
not  at  all  under  average  height,  feel  quite  like  a  pigmy. 

Their  whole  proportions  are  exceeding  well  set  off  by  the  Hun- 
garian costume,  which  many  of  them  still  wear  in  part,  though  it  is 
contrary  to  law  to  do  so.  This,  as  one  sees  it  still  in  Hungary 
among  the  gentlemen,  is  a  tight-fitting,  half-military  frock-coat, 
buttoned  up  to  the  chin,  and  breeches  fitting  close  to  the  leg,  with 
high  polished  boots  and  spurs.  The  cloak  (dolrnany)  which  used 
to  be  the  most  graceful  part  of  the  dress,  a*  it  was  handsomely  em- 
broidered, and  hung  from  one  shoulder  by  a  tasseled  cord,  is 
altogether  forbidden.  However,  the  costume,  as  it  is  worn  now, 
is  remarkably  tasteful.  Add  to  all  this,  fine-cut,  regular  features, 
jet  black  hair,  usually,  and  flowing  beard  and  carefully  trained 
moustache,  and  you  have  among  these  men  as  fine  specimens  of 
manly  beauty  as  can  be  seen  in  the  world. 

The  women,  as  I  remarked  among  the  Bauer,  do  not  seem  by 
any  means  to  equal  the  men  in  this  respect,  at  least  in  the  eyes  of 
an  American. 

The  Hungarians  are  quite  proud  of  this  peculiarity  of  their  race, 
and  though  not  at  all  a  frivolous  people,  they  do  take  a  real  oriental 
delight  in  rich  and  graceful  costume,  or  whatever  sets  off  their 
handsome  proportions.  This  consciousness  of  the  strength  and 
beauty  of  the  race  seems  to  enter  as  one  element  into  that  very  pecu- 
liar attachment,  or  pride,  they  all  show  in  regard  to  their  country 
and  nation. 

A  Protestant  clergyman  whom  I  afterwards  met,  who  had  served 


86  UJHAZY. 

in  the  ranks  in  the  Revolution,  told  me,  in  illustration  of  this,  that 
he  entered  Klausenburg  in  the  course  of  the  war,  banner  in  hand, 
at  the  head  of  *a  large  force  of  recruits,  just  drawn  from  the  Hun- 
garian Plains.  They  were  as  fine-looking  a  set  of  men,  he  said,  as 
ever  served  in  the  ranks,  mostly  Bauer,  tall,  vigorous  fellows,  accus 
tomed  to  work  and  exposure  from  childhood.  As  they  entered  the 
town,  banners  flying,  file  after  file  of  strong  men,  marching  on  erect 
and  proud  in  their  enthusiasm  for  the  struggle,  an  old  hussar  hap- 
pened to  be  at  the  gate,  and  rode  aside  to  make  way  for  them,  but 
at  sight  of  this  new  addition  of  the  prime  of  the  Hungarian  man- 
hood, he  turned,  stopped,  took  off  his  helmet,  and  with  his  hands 
stretched  out  over  them,  and  the  tears  running  down  his  weather- 
beaten  face,  said,  "  God  bless  you,  my  children  !  You  are  worthy 
of  the  Hungarian  Fatherland !  One  sees  you  have  not  been  fed  on 
bran  /"  My  companion  said  he  went  out  of  the  ranks,  and  shook 
the  old  soldier  by  the  hand  as  they  passed. 

Everywhere,  that  I  then  went  among  the  Hungarians,  I  would 
hear  the  most  anxious,  continual  questioning  about  the  Hungarian 
emigrants  in  America  and  Europe.  I  was  at  that  time  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  former  residence  of  Ujhazy,  a  man  so  well  known 
in  America,  and  I  heard  much  of  him.  And  I  may  be  permitted 
to  say,  that  every  account  was  most  favorable,  even  remarkably  so. 
He  had  been  a  man  of  great  wealth,  owning  wide  lands,  and  an 
Obergespan  (or  Vicegespan)  of  a  Comitat, — a  place  like  that  of  a 
I  Hike  in  England,  or  of  a  Governor  of  a  great  State  with  us — they 
said  yet,  a  man  always  remarkable  in  Hungary  for  the  extreme  sim- 
plicity of  his  life  and  manners.  He  was  a  famous  "  Wirlh"  or 
farmer  and  economist,  and  his  estates  were  amoncf  the  best  managed 
in  the  land.  On  his  farm,  in  the  district  near  Tokay,  he  had  drained 
lands,  introduced  improvements;,  erected   schools,  and   really  helped 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  87 

on  the  whole  neighborhood  in  a  most  efficient  manner.  They  said, 
it  seemed  almost  a  Providence  that  he  was  one  of  the  few  wealthy 
gentlemen  of  Hungary  who  always  worked  with  his  own  hands. 
Even  when  he  was  an  acting  member  of  the  Parliament,  and  in  one 
of  the  prominent  offices  of  the  nation,  he  might  be  seen,  with  his 
family,  doing  merely  servant's  work,  drawing  water  and  laboring 
about  the  house.  He  was  a  thorough  Republican  and  had  joined 
heart  and  soul  in  the  Revolution,  and  had  lost  his  all  in  it,  not  sav- 
ing a  penny,  it  was  thought. 

We  Americans  have  no  cause  to  be  ashamed  of  our  treatment  of 
the  Hungarians,  but  it  may  be  worth  while  to  remember  more 
who  these  emigrants  were  at  home,  and  how  their  country  regards 
them. 

If  any  one  will  imagine  in  our  War  of  Independence,  that  the 
English  had  conquered ;  if  they  Avill  picture  to  themselves,  that  all 
the  best  and  bravest  in  our  country — the  orators,  and  soldiers,  and 
statesmen,  Adams,  and  Lee,  and  Hamilton,  and  Hancock,  and 
Washington,  and  Franklin,  and  a  hundred  others  were  suddenly 
driven  abroad  into  France  or  Italy;  if  they  will  still  further  imagine 
that  these  men  "had  been  mostly  gentlemen  of  fortune,  unaccus- 
tomed to  work  with  their  own  hands,  and  that  they  were  now  placed, 
almost  beggared,  in  a  foreign  land  ;  they  will  get  some  idea  of  the 
feelings  of  the  exiles  in  their  new  homes,  and  of  the  sentiments  of 
Hungary  towards  them. 

It  needs  not  to  be  said  here,  that  the  Hungarians  have  borne 
themselves  in  a  manly  way  in  their  disasters.  I  have  heard  it  my- 
self, from  a  leader  on  the  Conservative  benches  in  the  English  Bouse 
of  Commons,  "that  whatever  might  be  the  opinion  of  the  Hunga- 
rian  Cause,  no  man  could   avoid  respecting   the    manly  bearing  of 


88  THE    MEMORY    OF    THE    EXILES. 

the  exiles  in  their  misfortunes  !"     No  man  questions  it,  I  believe,  in 
America. 

Still,  it  will  be  a  consolation  to  them  to  know — what,  perhaps 
they  need  not  to  be  told — that  they  are  remembered  with  undimin- 
ished affection  in  their  country.  Their  exile,  and  poverty,  and  suf- 
fering, have  only  deepened  the  love  of  their  countrymen  for  them. 
Their  names  are  remembered  at  the  fire-side  prayer, — in  the  lonely 
.pottage  on  the  Puszta,  in  the  cells  and  dungeons  of  Austrian  prisons, 
in  the  hovel  of  the  Hungarian  peasant.  The  first  question  asked  of 
the  stranger  is,  if  he  has  known  them,  or  met  them. 

"  Tell  them,"  said  their  countrymen  to  me — even  those  slowly 
dying  under  Austrian  bondage — "  not  to  forget  their  Fatherland, 
and  their  Fatherland  will  not  forget  them  !" 

Years  may  pass  away — the  stamp  of  Austrian  tyranny  may  be 
indelibly  imprinted  on  the  gallant  nation — but  neither  Time,  nor  the 
slow  grinding  of  Slavery,  nor  the  pains  and  misfortunes  surely  com- 
ing, will  wear  away  from  the  hearts  of  then  countiymen  the  mem- 
ory of  these — the  first  Sufferers  for  Hungary. 


CHAPTEE  XII. 

S ,  Inner  Hungary — Near  the  Theiss. 

"  "Well  !  Are  you  ready  for  a  ride  on  the  Puszta  P  said  a  sun- 
burned, hearty -looking  Hungarian,  as  I  stepped  from  the  door  of  my 
friend's  house  the  next  day. 

It  was  a  clear,  sunny  spring  afternoon,  and  though  I  had  designed 
to  stay  longer  in  the  village,  where  I  was  visiting,  I  could  not  resist 
the  temptation  to  see  a  Hungarian  prairie,  and  afterwards  something 
of  Hungarian  farming.  So  I  accepted  the  offer  as  heartily  as 
it  was  made,  and  proceeded  to  make  myself  ready  for,  perhaps  a 
rough  ride. 

"  I  am  glad,"  said  he,  as  I  climbed  into  the  wagon,  "  you  have 
your  cap  on — we  call  those  black  hats,  gut-gesinnte  (well-disposed), 
that  is,  Austrian  hats,  and  no  one  in  Hungary  wears  them  !" 

I  saw  he  had  his  gun  with  him,  and  asked  him  if  he  expected  to 
find  game.  "Yes,"  he  said,  "  there  was  some  very  good  shooting 
on  the  prairies,  and  we  might  see  ducks  in  the  lakes  along  the  road. 
But  look  !"  said  he,  holding  up  a  paper,  "  what  a  free  Hungarian 
must  have  if  he  would  even  shoot  a  sparrow!"  I  took  the  paper 
and  saw  that  it  was  a  permission  from  government  to  carry  a 


go  THE    POLICE-RULE. 

fowling-piece!  It  appeared  that  every  gun  and  pistol  through  the 
whole  country  had  been  obliged  to  be  given  up,  and  that  every  one 
found  with  such  weapons  was  liable  to  imprisonment  for  several 
months.  After  this,  the  only  mode  of  even  procuring  fowling-pieces 
was  to  apply  for  a  "  license,"  which,  however,  was  not  given  to  every 
one.  "  But  beside  this,"  said  he,  "  even  to  go  to  the  next  village,  I 
must  have  a  passport — and  before  these  two  last  years  such  a  thing 
was  never  known  in  Hungary.  A  man  could  go  from  one  end  of 
the  land  to  the  other,  and  no  one  asked  him  where  he  was  going,  or 
what  place  he  came  from.  And  for  an  independent  man  to  be 
so  hampered  and  hedged  in  !     It  shows  us  what  our  slavery  is  !" 

In  fact,  no  words  can  describe  the  discontent  and  bitterness  of  the 
Hungarians,  under  these  petty  restrictions  of  the  Austrian  police. 
It  is  like  putting  one  of  our  free,  sturdy  western  "  boys"  into  a 
Russian  camp,  where  every  step  must  be  measured,  and  "  permission'' 
given  for  every  word  and  movement.  The  Hungarian  had  always  been 
used  to  a  free,  careless  life,  in  which  he  could  move  and  talk,  as  he 
wished.     His  nature  is  an  open  and  generous  one,  and  he  has  been 
accustomed  from  time  immemorial,  to  a  "  Constitutional  Govern- 
ment," under  which  he  could  abuse  the  administration  as  he  wished. 
It  is  a  necessity  of  his  being  to  "  talk  politics ;"  and  his  ill-humor 
blows  itself  off  in  real  hearty  grumbling.     But  now,  to  be  under  a 
system    where    a   muttered  curse   is  at  once    reported   as  a  sign 
of  a  conspiracy,   where  a  word  said  against  an  office-holder  will 
send  him  to  a  fortress,  and  where  every  step  is  dogged  or  watched, 
is  unspeakably  annoying  to  him.     It  hems  him  in  ;  it  presses  him  , 
it  suffocates  him — and  he   cannH   be   prudent  and    is  continually 
getting  himself  into  trouble.     However,  to  our  ride  again. 

After  some  conversation  on  such  topics  as  the  above,  my  com- 
panion gave  the  signal,  our  friends  standing  by  took  off  their  hats 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  91 

according  to  theunivers.il  national  custom  at  parting;  the  driver 
cracked  his  long-lashed  whip,  and  we  rattled  away  from  the  village 
in  a  genuine  Hungarian  "  turn  out."  It  may  be  interesting  to  my 
readers  in  America,  to  know  what  such  a  vehicle  is.  The  wagon  is  of 
wicker,  and  the  seats  a  huge  bundle  of  hay,  covered  with  cloaks  and 
blankets.  The  traces  and  something  of  the  tackle  are  of  ropes,  and 
the  driver,  wrapped  in  a  shaggy  sheep-skin,  sits  forward  upon  another 
bundle  of  hay.  In  fact,  the  whole  has  rather  a  rough  and  "  seedy" 
appearance.  But,  if  the  vehicle  seems  somewhat  neglected,  the 
horses  still  more  help  out  the  picture.  There  are  four  harnessed 
abreast,  mostly  with  rope  or  light  leather  thongs — and  not  one  looks 
as  if  a  curry-comb  ever  had  touched  him.  They  are  all  small, 
shaggy,  with  long  manes,  and  hair  hanging  about  their  ears  in  a 
peculiarly  wild  manner.  Yet,  if  you  look  closer,  you  will  see  that, 
despite  their  unkempt  looks,  they  all  have  exceedingly  spirit  & 
intelligent  eyes,  and  you  will  observe  that  though  they  are  small- 
bodied,  they  are  very  well  built.  The  legs  fine,  but  the  joints  firmly 
knit ;  the  chest  broad,  and  all  the  lines  of  the  animal  fine  and  good. 
And  if  you  are  seated  in  a  wagon,  behind  them  as  I  was,  with  a 
"crack"  Hungarian  driver,  you  will  find  that,  you  would  not  sweep 
over  the  prairies  faster,  if  you  were  behind  the  best  thorough-breds 
of  an  English  stud. 

And  the  wagon,  for  all  its  appearance,  is  the  most  comfortable 
you  could  possible  have.  I  have  tried  these  wagons  for  long  (lavs' 
ridea  in  Hungary,  over  rough  districts,  and  really  I  never  found 
stage-coach  or  carriage  half  so  plea-ant  for  long  distances.  The, 
springs  are  good  generally,  and  the  hay  is  decidedly  the  best  cushion 
yet  invented.  They  have,  too,  a  sort  of  awning  of  wicker-work  for 
the  rain,  when  it  is  needed. 


92  THE    CROPS. 

T  give  a  sketch  on  the  next  page  of  a  common  Hungarian  farming- 
"  team." 

We  rattled  along  in  the  most  inspiriting  manner,  and  there  was 
a  great  deal,  in  the  whole  country  through  which  we  passed,  to  inte- 
rest me.  First  came  the  wide  fields  of  Indian  corn,  just  out  of  the 
village,  now  of  course  only  in  the  first  growth.  Everything  seemed 
on  a  grand  scale ;  the  fields  stretched  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach 
sometimes,  and  nowhere  any  fence  or  hedge — the  only  protection 
being  a  deep  ditch  occasionally.  I  asked  my  friend  whether  they 
used  this  corn  at  all  for  food.  "  No,"  he  said,  "  they  did  not  much. 
It  was  principally  given  to  cattle  and  hogs,  and  was  very  much 
valued  for  that.  In  the  South,  and  among  the  Wallachs,  it  was 
everywhere  used  for  bread  and  cakes.  They,  in  Central  Hungary, 
however,  did  not  like  it  for  bread,  though  they  made  a  pudding  now 
and  then  from  it.  He  would  show  me,  when  we  reached  the  farm, 
a  very  peculiar  national  dish,  which  they  made  with  it."  As  I  found 
afterwards,  this  crop  is  as  common  in  Hungary  as  it  is  with  us  in 
America  ;  and,  except  a  few  very  cold  districts  in  the  Carpathians,  is 
cultivated  everywhere.  The  Croat  has  become  as  much  attached 
to  "  Johnny  cakes  "  as  any  Yankee  could  be  ;  though  I  believe  the 
mysteries  of  "  hasty  pudding"  have  not  yet  been  learned  anywhere 
in  the  land.  In  many  parts  I  have  seen  "corn  "  raised  for  green 
fodder  alone.  The  amount  of  this  crop  in  Hungary  is  calculated. 
by  good  judges,  at  about  25,000,000  bushels. 

Scattered  along  beyond,  between  the  corn-fields,  were  everywhere 
fields  of  lucerne,  which  is  grown  throughout  Hungary,  both  for 
green  fodder  and  hay.  Wherever  I  have  been  in  North  Europe — • 
in  England,  Holstein,  and  Germany — I  have  seen  great  quantities 
of  this  species  of  clover.  The  farmers,  universally,  whom  I  have 
asked,  set  a  very  great  value  upon  it ;  and  it  surprises  me  that  it  is 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  93 

so  little  grown  in  America,  where  good  fodder  is  certainly  in  as  much 
demand  as  in  any  land.  I  believe  it  cannot  be  said  to  be  in  at  all 
general  use  with  us,  except  among  the  "  book  farmers." 

My  friend  then  with  me  said,  that  he  had  often  cut /ye  crops  from 
it — though  three  and  four  are  the  usual  number  in  Hungary.  It 
appears  they  tried  for  a  while,  through  the  country,  the  red  clover 
but  it  did  not  succeed  well  with  all  the  manuring  they  could  give  it. 
The  climate  was  too  hot  and  dry  in  summer  for  it,  they  say,  and, 
in  consequence,  lucerne  clover  was  introduced,  which  works  excel- 
lently. 

Though  my  companion  was  a  common  farmer,  he  was  remarka- 
bly well  educated.  He  knew  all  the  botanical  names  of  the  flowers 
and  plants  along  the  road,  and  their  uses,  and  answered  all  my 
questions  with  the  greatest  clearness  and  intelligence.  As  we  rode 
along  he  pointed  out  to  me  a  yellow  flower,  which  covered  all  the 
road  side,  and  told  me  to  pick  a  bunch,  and  see  if  I  knew  it.  I 
gathered  a  handful,  and  saw  at  once  the  flowers  were  the  Chamo- 
mile flowers.  The  preparation  and  export  of  these  is  a  very  con- 
siderable business,  I  am  told,  from  all  Central  Hungary.  One  of 
the  most  common  crops  along  the  whole  road  was  a  little  green 
plant  with  a  bright  yellow  flower,  which  I  did  not  recognize  at  first, 
but  which  I  soon  found  to  be  the  rape  plant,  grown  everywhere  in 
Hungary  for  the  rape  seed  and  oil. 

The  building  of  oil  presses .  and  cultivation  of  the  " Repsbau"  as 
they  call  it,  has  become  a  very  important  branch  of  industry  within 
a  few  years,  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  especially  in  South  Hun- 
gary. The  export  of  the  oil  in  the  years  from  1831-40,  averaged 
about  34,521  centners,  (a  centner  containing  135  lbs.)  In  1845,  it 
amounted  to  287,460  !     It  is  planted,  my  companion  said  in  the 


94  THE    PUSZTA. 

Spring,  till  about  June  loth,  aud  reaped  from  the  15th  of  August  on 
to  the  beginning  of  October. 

Among  all  these  crops  were,  of  course,  large  fields  of  wheat,  and 
occasionally  of  barley  and  oats.  We  passed,  too,  immense  plots  of 
ground  intended  for  water  melons  and  musk  melons  alone.  These 
botb,  are  almost  necessaries  of  fife  for  the  Hungarian  peasantry. 
The  country  is  sadly  supplied  with  water,  and  in  their  dry  summers 
the  water  melons  are  everywhere  used  to  quench  thirst.  But  every- 
where, through  all  these  fine  crops,  it  surprised  me  not  to  see  a 
single  tree  or  rock.  The  fields  stretched  away  on  every  side,  green 
with  the  "  corn  "  and  the  wheat,  to  the  horizon,  but  not  one  object  to 
disturb  the  level.  As  we  rode  farther,  however,  more  of  the  peculiar 
Puszta  showed  itself.  The  crops  and  the  cultivated  land  began  to 
be  passed,  and  we  entered  wide  meadows,  opening  out  before  us  like 
the  sea,  without  a  hillock  or  tree,  to  the  very  verge  of  the  horizon. 
The  only  objects  which  varied  the  level  were  an  occasional  tall  well- 
pole  and  the  vast  flocks  and  herds  which  one  could  see  in  the  dis- 
tance. The  grass  was  low — not  rich — and  full  of  bright  flowers, 
among  which  the  wild  poppy  made  a  very  brilliant  show.  Alto- 
gether, the  unvarying  uniformity,  and  the  vastness  of  the  scene, 
impressed  one's  mind  deeply. 

Some  distance  beyond,  my  companion  drove  me  among  the  herds 
which  he  himself  owned.  The  horned  cattle  are  entirely  peculiar 
to  Hungary.  I  never  saw  a  similar  breed  anywhere  else.  They 
are  white  in  color,  or  an  ashy  gray ;  though  more  generally  a  pure 
white.  The  cows  are  much  larger  than  ours,  and  with  longer  legs, 
but  with  the  same  straight  back  as  our  best  breed.  Their  horns  do 
not  bend  forward  like  those  of  other  breeds,  but  curve  directly  back 
like  a  roe  buck's  or  chamois',  and,  as  they  are  often  three  feet  in 
length,  they  give  a  most  peculiarly  wild,  defiant  expression.     In  fact 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  95 

one  gets  an  idea  from  the  animal,  for  the  lirst  time,  what  the  cow 
was  intended  to  be  by  nature.  There  is  none  of  the  heavy,  wad- 
dling gait  in  them,  which  we  see  in  our  animals.  Their  step  is  as 
light  and  free  as  a  stag's  ;  and  with  their  noses  raised  to  the  wind, 
their  clear  black  eye  and  long  curved  horns,  and  stepping  proudly 
away,  as  they  do,  they  really  make  a  very  beautiful  appearance. 
They  are  not  by  any  means  equal,  however,  to  the  English  or  Swiss 
cows,  in  the  giving  of  milk.  The  beef  seems  quite  as  good  as  the 
English.  They  are  best  adapted  to  the  Pusztas,  and  would  be  as 
unsuitedto  our  narrow  pastures,  as  our  short-legged,  heavy -haunched 
Durhams  would  be  to  the  prairies  here.  The  price  of  a  common 
cow  is  from  $,25  to  $30  ;  but  a  first  rate  cow  of  this  breed,  from 
some  of  the  best  dairies — as  Count  Estherhazy's — has  been  sold  ad 
high  as  $200,  and  a  bull  for  $500. 

In  the  herds,  occasionally,  I  caught  a  glimpse  of  a  singular  look- 
ing animal,  which  I  did  not  know  at  all.  It  was  generally  of  a  grey 
color,  with  a  sort  of  heavy  folded  hide  upon  it,  like  a  hippopotamus, 
without  hair  and  with  short  horns,  in  shape  of  body  somewhat  like 
our  buffalo,  and  nearly  as  large.  A  heavy,  stupid-looking  animal, 
wallowing  in  the  mud  usually.  It  appears  it  is  the  Buffel,  (bos  haf- 
fulua),  or  wild  cow  from  Thibet,  which  the  Turks,  in  their  conquest, 
probably  introduced.  They  use  it  in  Hungary  as  •  a  beast  fot 
draught,  as  it  is  immensely  strong.  The  milk,  too,  is  much  valued, 
and  I  found  it  very  rich  indeed.  These  herds  of  white  cattle,  each 
some  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  in  number,  scattered  over  these 
immense  plains,  give  a  very  striking  appearance  to  the  landscape. 

In  the  midst  of  every  herd  is  usually  one  tall  Bauer  (peasant,) 
with  huge  -]i'' p-skin  hanging  like  a  cloak  of  wool  about  him, 
serving  him  at  once  for  cloak,  and  bed,  and  house,  through  all 
seasons. 


96  THE    CSIKOS. 

Two  or  three  of  the  Hungarian  white  dogs  are  his  only  compan- 
ions, and  he  lives  that  solitary  life,  on   the  grand   prairies,  in  the 
midst  of  his  herds,  a  great  part  of  the  year.     Some  of  these  cattle 
drivers,  or    Csikos,  as  they  call   them,  are  very  original,  singular 
characters,  and,  of  the  most   remarkable,  those  near   Debreczin, 
shall  have  more   to  say  hereafter.     They  are  a  free,  indomitable  set 
of  men,  and  with  the  tinge  of  wild,  poetic  feeling,  which  marks   all 
the  Hungarian  peasantry.     The  voice  which  thrilled  to  every  cor- 
ner of  the  land  in  1848,  reached  even  them.     They  came,  in  their 
rough  skins  from  the  wild  life  of  the  Pusztas,  to  hear  Kossuth  speak 
of  freedom,  of  Human  Brotherhood,  of  the  wrongs  and  dangers  of 
Hungary.     The  passionate  eloquence  of  the  Reformer,  as  he  spoke 
of  these  great  themes  ;  his  solemn  appeal  to  Him,  whom  they,  it  is 
said,  worship  with  a  reverence  we  can  hardly  imderstand,  seemed  to 
these  "  sons  of  the  desert "  to  come  from  some  one  more  than  man. 
They  followed   him   as  a  prophet.     No  weapons  could  be  given 
many  of  them,  and  they  fought  with  their  lassoes  and  whips.     And 
as  long  as  a  blow  could  be  struck  for  Hungary,  these  faithful,  sturdy 
herdsmen  gave  their  blood  and  their  toil  for  the  good  cause. '   And 
when,  at  last,  nothing  more  could  be  done,  they  went  back  to  their 
solitary  life  on  the  Pusztas  again — believing,  it  is  said,  most  firmly, 
that  their  beloved  Kossuth  will  soon  return,  from  those  great  plains 
of  Asia,  whence   they  themselves  sprung,    with   immense  hordes 
of  their    brethren,  the  Huns,  to   drive  the  conqueror  again  from 
Hungary  ! 

Besides  the  cattle,  we  passed  equally  great  droves  of  horses,  the 
small,  fine-limbed  animals  so  peculiar  to  Hungary,  and  which  rove 
on  these  wild  plains  near  the  Theiss.  They  are  a  direct  descent 
from  Arabian  blood — toughened  by  the  climate,  and  degenerated 
often  from  want  of  care ;  still  with  many  of  the  qualities  of  the  old 


HUNGARY    IN    1881.  97 

stuck.     They  say  no  horses  are  so  enduring,  for  long  travel,  in  sum- 
mer or  winter,  as  these  shaggy  little  animals. 

The  whole  stock  of  Hungarian  horses  had,  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  last  century,  very  much  degenerated,  especially  by  the  mingling 
of  poor  foreign  breeds  from  Denmark  and  Italy,  and  by  the  too 
general  use  of  the  old  Spanish  stock.  At  the  beginning  of  this,  the 
attention  of  the  gentry  through  the  land  was  aroused  to  the  impor- 
tance of  improving  the  breed,  and  more  careful  modes  of  raising 
the  foals  were  adopted.  Horses  of  good  stock,  too,  were  introduced 
from  Eugland,  and  horse-races  were  commenced,  so  that  now  the 
breed  is  said  to  be  very  much  bettered  throughout  Hungary.  Very 
many  of  the  gentlemen  still,  however,  have  a  great  fancy  for  Eng- 
lish "  hunters,"  and  fill  their  stables  with  them. 

The  Hungarians  are  a  nation  of  riders.  The  boy  is  on  a  horse 
almost  as  soon  as  he  can  walk.  The  Bauer  himself,  looks  in  his 
Sunday  dress,  as  if  he  remembered  his  origin,  and  were  more  of  a 
cavalier  than  a  peasant.  The  pointed  hat  with  the  long  stork's 
feather,  the  neat  short  jacket  and  high  boots  with  rattling  spurs,  are 
the  invariable  peasant's  festive  dress,  even  when  he  goes  to  a  dance 
The  cavalry  of  Hungary  is  said  to  be  unequalled,  and  the  perfect 
familiarity  of  the  Hungarian  hussar  with  his  horse,  and  with  every 
mode  of  fighting  from  horseback,  give  him  an  immense  advantage. 
In  the  last  war  the  full  charge  was  often  made  by  the  Hussars,  with 
the  sabre  in  one  hand,  a  pistol  in  the  other,  the  bridle  in  their  teeth, 
and  their  head  crouched  down  behind  the  horse's  head.  The  Hun- 
garian regiments  of  Hussars  were  considered  the  best  in  the  Austrian 
army  ;  and  the  "  Imperial  Cavalry,"  famous  as  it  is,  nearly  always 
went  down  before  their  tremendous  charge,  during  the  war  of  Inde- 
pendence.    However,  it  must  be  acknowledged, that  in  modern  war- 

5 


98  THE   HUNGARIAN    SHEEP. 

i'aiv,  the  cavalry  are  nut,,  by  any  means,  the  most  important  force  of 
an  army. 

As  we  rode  along,  my  companion  turned  out  of  the  slight  track 
we  were  following  across  the  prairie,  to  show  me  some  fine  flocks  of 
sheep  and  hogs  feeding  in  the  plain.  The  hogs  were  a  brown, 
short-legged  breed,  which  he  called  the  "  Hungarian " — not  very 
large,  though  fat,  and  giving  excellent  pork,  he  said.  There  is 
another  very  curious  breed,  called  the  "  Turkish,"  which  is  much 
valued,  and  which  I  saw  afterwards.  The  sheep  looked  well,  with 
very  fine  wool — not  large  however — somewhat  like  the  Welsh 
breeds.  There  are  very  remarkable  breeds,  however,  which  I  saw 
later,  near  Debreczin,  and  the  export  of  fine  wool  from  Hungary 
forms  one  of  its  most  profitable  branches  of  trade. 

The  shepherd  of  these  flocks  puts  his  provisions  and  water  on  a 
donkey  and  the  flock  always  cluster  about  the  animal,  and  so  they 
wander  around  over  the  wide  plains.  Like  all  the  peasants,  these 
shepherds  were  singularly  tall,  imposing-looking  men.  And  with 
their  long,  black  hair,  erect  forms,  and  huge  sheep-skin  cloaks,  they 
make  a  most  striking  figure  in  the  landscape. 

No  one,  who  is  not  used  to  our  western  prairies,  can  form  an  idea 
of  the  grandeur  and  solemnity  of  these  immense  Pusztas  of  Central 
Hungary.  The  vast  range  of  view,  the  solitude,  the  immense  herds 
of  animals,  looking,  however,  like  specks  in  the  wide  plain,  leave  a 
most  peculiar  impression  on  the  mind  of  the  traveller.  And  to  all 
this,  is  sometimes  added  the  singular  mirage  of  those  plains,  so  that 
I  have  sometimes  seemed  to  myself  to  be  travelling  on  from  a 
boundless  prairie  of  grass  and  flowers  on  the  one  side,  towards  a 
wide,  sparkling  sea,  dotted  with  beautiful  islets,  and  fringed  with 
shrubbery  on  the  other. 


HUIS'GAKY    IN    1851.  99 

As  night  began  to  come  on  we  reached  the  settlement  in  the 
Puszta  and  the  estate  I  intended  to  visit.  It  must  have  been  as 
surprising  to  our  host,  having  an  American  for  a  guest,  as  it  would 
have  been  for  one  of  our  Kentucky  gentlemen  to  be  suddenly  visited  by 
a  Chinese  traveller.  However,  no  surprise  was  shown.  An  agreeable, 
cultivated  company  met  us  with  the  heartiest  welcome.  The  supper- 
table  was  soon  loaded  with  all  the  genuine  Hungarian  delicacies ; 
snipe  from  the  Puszta,  the  sturgeons  from  the  Theiss,  young  chickens 
stewed  in  red  pepper,  piles  of  fried  cakes,  and  with  these,  the 
mineral  water  from  the  springs,  the  light  wines  from  various  dis- 
tricts, and  especially,  to  honor  the  foreign  guest,  the  rich,  golden, 
old  Tokay,  that  prince  of  wines.  As  it  may  be  imagined,  my 
companion  and  myself  attacked  the  inviting  dishes  with  travellers' 
appetites,  and  it  was  late  in  the  evening  when  we  sat  there  still,  I 
telling  of  the  free  land,  the  new  home  for  the  Hungarians  over  the 
ocean,  and  they,  describing  their  struggles  and  losses  to  win  freedom 
to  Hungary. 

At  the  end  we  were  shown  into  a  large  apartment,  which  seemed 
to  be  furnished  with  several  beds  for  guests  who  might  arrive,  and 
left  to  sleep  away  soundly  our  day's  fatigue.  It  was  rather  charac- 
teristic of  Hungarian  manners,  that  the  last  thing  I  saw  before  going 
to' sleep  of  my  companion  who  had  come  with  me,  was  a  long  pipe 
protruding  from  the  bed-clothes,  and  the  first  thing  which  met  my 
eye  in  the  morning,  was  a  cloud  of  smoke  gently  ascending  from 
the  same  pile  of  blankets  and  pillows. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

Inner  Hungary. 

*H ,  April,  1861. 

As  soon  as  possible  the  next  morning,  after  the  Hungarian  break- 
fast— a  cup  of  coffee  and  some  bits  of  toast — I  sallied  out  to  see  the 
grounds  and  the  farm.  But  first,  my  readers  may  be  interested  to 
know  something  of  the  house  itself.  Like  all  the  houses  of  the 
Hungarians,  of  gentle  and  simple,  it  has  only  one  story,  though  that  • 
is  high  and  airy.  The  main  apartment,  where  the  family  dine  and 
sit  mostly,  stretches  through  the  house  from  front  to  rear,  and  is  a 
very  spacious,  cool  room  for  their  hot  summers.  It  opens  in  front 
on  a  portico,  under  which  are  seats  for  the  smokers  ;  and  on  the 
other  side  the  windows  lead  out  to  a  grassy  bank,  where  are  one  or 
two  walks,  which  conduct  to  a  knoll  overlooking  the  wide  plain  of 
the  Theiss.  The  other  apartments  of  the  house  are  arranged  on 
each  side  of  a  long  corridor,  running  the  whole  length  of  the 
building. 

One  must  confess  that  the  whole  Hungarian  nation  are  widely 
behind  the  rest  of  Europe  in  practical  improvements.     The  houses 

*  It  should  be  said  here  that  I  am  obliged  to  use  great  caution  in  regard  to 
names  of  places  and  dates  in  Hungary,  from  fear  of  unpleasant  consequences 
to  my  friends  and  acquaintances. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  101 

of  the  middle  classes  especially  show  it,  cool  and  pleasant  enough  for 
the  summer,  but  with  scarcely  any  of  those  little  conveniences  that 
make  up  our  idea  of  comfort.  Rich  furniture  often  in  the  drawing- 
rooms,  and  the  kitchen  in  a  neighboring  out-house,  or  in  a  little 
dark  hole  in  the  house,  with  the  smoke  curling  up  through  an  aper- 
ture in  the  roof.  Baths,  or  gas-lighting,  or  private  or  separate 
chambers,  are  almost  unknown  in  even  the  best  houses  of  the  inland 
towns.  And  the  inns,  in  everything  which  can  be  called  conve- 
nience, throughout  interior  Hungary,  are,  we  may  fairly  say,  nearly 
the  worst  in  the  world.  The  usual  style  is,  a  low,  white-washed 
structure,  built  around  three  sides  of  a  barn-yard,  in  the  midst  of 
which  is  commonly  a  reeking  pool.  The  rooms  are  seldom  clean, 
and  the  common  comforts  of  a  hotel  are  utterly  absent. 

I  do  not  mean  that  any  traveller,  furnished  with  letters  of  intro- 
duction as  I  was,  will  ever  find  any  inconvenience  from  all  this. 
For  such  generous,  open  hospitality  as  the  Hungarians  manifest,  is 
to  be  seen  in  no  land,  and  would  make  the  most  fastidious  person 
entirely  contented.  I  mention  this  merely  to  show  in  what  respects 
the  country  is  as  yet  behindhand.  The  fault  is  not,  however,  in  the 
character  of  the  nation. 

<  .ive  them  a  good  government,  and  free  contact  with  the  world 
for  a  half-dozen  years,  and  they  would  equal  any  nation  in  Europe 
in  their  practical  progress.  As  it  is,  their  chief  city,  Pesth,  will 
compare  favorably  with  any  Capital,  in  this  respect. 

As  the  gentleman  whom  I  was  visiting  was  a  large  farmer,  his 
house  formed  a  kind  of  centre  to  a  collection  of  Bauer-cabins  on 
every  sid<',  belonging  to  his  workmen.  These,  together  with  his 
out-houses,  were  well  separated  from  his  own  grounds,  and  screened 
by  a  large  hedge  of  lilacs  and  acacias.  We  went  out,  first,  in  our 
ramble  to  his  barns  and  cattle-yards.     They  were  not  by  any  means 


102  THE    CATTLE-FUEL. 

as  extensive  as  one  would  expect  from  the  size  of  the  farm — some 
500  acres,  around  the  house,  with  an  indefinite  extent  into  the 
Puszta  heside.  However,  it  appears  the  cattle  are  almost  entirely 
kept  on  the  Puszta  in  the  summer,  and  only  brought  in  to  be  sold 
or  killed  in  the  fall.  The  hay  and  grain,  too,  are  very  much  stacked 
in  the  open  air.  These  barns  which  I  saw  were  all  made  of  mud- 
blocks  and  white-washed,  with  roofs  thatched  with  reeds,  and 
generally,  like  the  best  of  our  own,  built  around  the  three  sides  of  a 
yard. 

There  were  but  few  of  the  cattle  or  animals  in  the  yards,  though 
this  gentleman  has  some  500  head  of  cattle,  half  as  many  of  horses, 
1,500  sheep,  800  swine,  and  other  things,  in  a  real  patriarchal 
style.     What  there  were  there,  however,  were  fine-looking  animals. 

The  sheep  and  hogs  of  the  farm  were  nearly  all,  at  this  season,  on 
the  Puszta. 

In  looking  around  in  the  barn-yards,  I  noticed  a  great  quantity 
of  small,  square  pieces,  of  dry  dung,  arranged  in  rows.  I  supposed, 
of  course,  it  was  intended  for  manure,  but  happened  to  ask  some 
some  question  about  it,  and  learned  that  this  was  for  fuel!  It 
brought  up  at  once  another  of  the  thousand  tokens  I  meet  with  all 
the  while,  of  the  Oriental  and  Nomadic  origin  of  this  people.  "Who 
has  forgotten  what  travellers  tell  us  of  the  dung-fuel  of  the 
Tartars  on  the  steppes  of  Western  Asia,  or  of  the  Arabs  of  the 
deserts  ? 

While  returning  back  to  the  house,  my  friend  said  he  would  show 
me  one  of  the  Hungarian  granaries.  Accordingly  we  stopped  at  a 
little  spot  well  covered  with  branches  of  dead  trees.  One  of  the 
Bauer,  at  the  order  of  the  gentleman,  removed  these,  then  some 
boards,  then  shoveled  out  some  loose  dirt,  and  there  was  disclosed  a 
hole,  about  the  size  of  a  man,  leading  down  to  a  cave  under  ground. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  103 

This  seemed  to  be  about  six  feet  high,  as.  many  broad,  and  perhaps 
ten  feet  long,  and  is  used  to  store  the  wheat  for  winter.  It  is  made 
with  a  curved  picking  instrument  which  they  have  for  the  purpose, 
an  1  the  top  is  carefully  rounded.  The  whole  is  rendered  dry  and 
bard  by  burning  it  out,  after  which  dry  straw  is  strown  within  it 
The  wheat  stored  in  these  by  the  Bauer  will  sometimes  last  twenty 
years.  The  great  advantage  is  in  the  saving  of  building  material, 
as  wood  and  stone  are  so  difficult  to  get  here. 

I  could  not  believe  they  could  prevent  the  dampness  from  oozing 
in,  after  some  of  their  long  rains.  My  friend,  however,  seemed  to 
think  them  excellent.  One  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  party  on  the 
other  hand  called  them  "  humbug^,"  and  thought  that  more  grain 
was  lost  than  saved  by  them.  They  say  that  the  Russians  acquired 
a  preternatural  sagacity  in  detecting  these  underground  granaries? 
among  the  peasantry,  in  their  campaign  here,  in  1849. 

After  our  walk,  we  all  returned  to  the  portico,  where  we  sat  long, 
I  enjoying  the  singular  landscape  of  green  prairie,  dotted  with  the 
cottages  of  the  peasants,  or  with  the  clumps  of  the  acacias,  and  my 
companions  contemplatively  smoking  their  cigars.  We  talked  much 
of  America.  They  inquired  of  our  system  of  government — of  our 
common  schools — and  compared  it  all  with  their  own  old  Constitu- 
tion— and  with  what  they  intended  by  the  Revolution  to  erect. 

They  showed,  as  people  do  everywhere  here,  a  remarkable  ac- 
quaintance with  our  whole  principle  of  government,  and   even  with 
our  history.     I  remember  as  an   illustration  of  the  latter,  that  tin- 
spoke  of  their  resolve  to  give  up  tobacco  '*  as   we   did  our  tea" 
rather  than  pay  the  oppressive  tax  laid  by  the  Austrian-. 

It  is  exceedingly  pleasant  to  an  American  to  find  how  gratefully 
the  few  acts  of  kindness  from  his  countrymen  to  th<-  Hungarians  are 
appreciated   in   Hungary.     "  We  consider  your  countrymen  as  our 


104  KOSSUTH-NOTES. 

brethren,"  said  these  gentlemen  ;  "  you  have  given  us  your  sympa- 
thy and  aid,  and  the  time  will  never  come  when  our  homes  will  not 
be  open  to  you !" 

In  the  course  of  the  conversation  we  came  to  speak  of  the  "  Kos- 
suth bank  notes." 

I  inquired  whether  they  considered  it  altogether  just  to  issue  such 
a  quantity  of  paper  money  on  so  little  basis. 

"  Certainly,  we  do,"  they  replied.  "  The  Austrian  paper — some 
thirty  per  cent,  below  par  value — was  flooding  our  country  in  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution.  We  had  ourselves  a  better  basis  for 
such  a  currency,  and  we  did  not  wish  to  be  so  dependent  on  Austria. 
We  did  precisely  what  you  did  in  your  Revolution — issue  paper 
money.  However  our  basis  was  good.  Under  Kossuth  the 
incomes  from  our  public  property,  mines,  and  monopolies,  and  salt- 
works, were  ten-fold  greater  than  before,  and  the  taxes  quadrupled 
in  amount  by  the  taxing  of  the  upper  classes,  without  the  people 
being  so  much  burdened  as  formerly.  All  this  would  have  easily 
paid  up  our  paper  debt  eventually.  Besides,  you  can  see  the  real 
value  of  it,  by  the  fact  that  forty  millions  of  Austrian  notes  were  at 
once  driven  out  of  the  country." 

I  asked  what  amount  they  supposed  had  been  issued  ?  "  About 
eighty  millions,"  they  replied ;  "  and  of  this,  some  forty  millions, 
probably,  are  now  buried  or  concealed." 

"The  peasantry,  everywhere,"  they  said  farther,  "have  large 
quantities  hidden,  waiting  for  better  times.  A  few  of  them,  as  well 
as  some  of  us,  were  foolish  enough  to  deliver  up  our  notes  to  tho 
Austrian  government  on  promise  of  restitution.  Of  course  we  have 
never  had  a  Icreutzer  back,  and  we  shall  be  very  cautious  how  we 
are  ever  caught  again  !" 

After  some  farther  pleasant  conversation  of  this  kind,  it  was  pro- 


HUNGARY    IN    1351.  105 

posed  that  I  should  see  something  of  Hungarian  agriculture,  and 
accordingly  we  all  mounted  one  of  the  large  wicker  wagons,  and 
rode  out  to  examine  the   "  farm." 

The  first  part  of  the  ride  was  among  the  low  white-washed  cot- 
tages of  the  peasants,  each  with  its  patch  of  melons  and  vines  about 
it.  Beyond  these,  stretched  out  the  wide  fields  belonging  to  this 
estate. 

The  principal  crops  wore  Indian  corn  and  wheat,  and  as  there 
were  no  fences,  only  deep  ditches  to  separate  the  fields  from  one 
another,  or  from  the  road,  the  green  surface  of  rich  grain  seemed  to 
reach  away  even  to  the  very  horizon.  These  prairie  fields  are  all 
very  rich,  and  from  their  accounts  must  almost  equal  our  celebrated 
"  Western  Bottoms."  They  speak  of  wheat  grown  for  fifteen  or 
twenty  years  in  the  same  fields,  without  change  of  crops  or  new 
manuring. 

The  tax  laid  by  the  Austrian  Government  on  the  Hungarian 
wheat — raised,  not  exported — is  about  25  per  cent,  on  its  value,  at 
the  rate  of  50  cents  per  kiebel.  The  export  of  wheat  from  Hun- 
gary during  these  last  few  years  has  been  fully  two  millions  and  a 
half  of  Zentner,  or  some  300,000,000  lbs.  per  annum.  Of  Indian 
corn,  there  is  scarcely  any  amount  of  consequence,  exported,  but 
the  quantity  raised  must  be  immense.  I  have  travelled  for  days 
through  what  seemed  one  endless  field  of  green,  rich-looking  corn. 

If  the  day  ever  comes  in  which  Hungary  is  an  Independent 
State,  it  is  from  these  inexhaustible  plains  that  will  proceed  the  sup- 
plies of  grain  for  manufacturing  Europe.  There  would  be  no  diffi- 
culty. Large  riven,  railroads  connecting  with  Germany  and  Italy, 
a  seaport  on  the  Adriatic — they  need  nothing  more,  except  enter- 
prise. Under  American  energy,  or  with  a  free  government  of  tlioir 
own,  they  would  be  exporting  to  every  country  of  Europe. 
5* 


106  WINES    OF    HUNGARY. 

Beside  the  crop  above  mentioned,  I  could  see  mingled  among 
them  everywhere,  as  before  on  the  Prairie,  the  large  fields,  yellow 
with  the  flower  of  the  rape-plant. 

Here  too  again  appeared  the  clover  Lucerne  in  great  abundance. 
I  was  surprised  here,  as  I  have  been  everywhere  in  Hungary,  to  see 
the  marked  resemblance  in  fruits  and  products  to  our  Middle  States. 
The  peach,  cherry,  currant,  apple,  and  melon  in  the  gardens ;  the 
long  fields  of  oats,  wheat,  tobacco,  and  Indian  corn,  with  the  buck- 
wheat upon  the  hills  ;  and  the  beans,  peas,  and  cucumbers  about 
the  houses,  just  as  one  might  see  in  riding  in  the  interior  of  New 
York,  or  in  the  best  counties  of  Pennsylvania.  It  all  indicates — 
what  indeed  is  the  fact — a  climate  much  resembling  our  own,  with 
like  extremes  of  heat  and  cold. 

The  only  product  which  we  do  not  have  in  America  in  such 
abundance,  and  which  here,  and  everywhere  in  Hungary  stretches 
out  in  long,  green  rows  over  the  fields,  and  freshens  the  hill-sides 
and  bare  mountain-tops  with  its  rich  verdure,  is  the  vine.  The 
glory  of  Hungary  in  the  natural  world,  its  choicest  and  most  boun- 
tiful product,  are  the  varieties  of  grapes.  They  cover  the  whole 
land,  and  the  lowest  Bauer  has  his  vineyard.  And  in  no  country  of 
Europe  are  such  pure,  delicious  wines  made  as  here.  There  is 
scarcely  any  wine  of  note  in  Europe  that  is  not  drugged,  or  con- 
siderably strengthened  by  alcohol.  This  is  unknown  in  Hungary, 
and  even  the  best  Tokay — the  most  rare  and  costly  wine  in  the 
country — is  a  pure  juice  of  the  grape.  Water  throughout  the  Hun- 
garian plain  is  bad  and  extremely  hard  to  get,  so  that  I  may  safely 
say  more  wine  is  drank  through  the  majority  of  the  population  than 
water.  I  have  heard  soldiers  speak  of  frequently  being  obliged,  in 
the  campaign  of  '48  and  '49  to  boil  their  beef  in  wine,  as  no  water 
was  to  be  procured. 


HUNGARY    IN     1851.  107 

The  common  light  wine  of  the  country,  far  superior  to  any  similar 

wine  in  Germany  or  France,  sells  at  about  three  kreutzers  (2  cents)  a 
bottle.  The  number  of  varieties  made  here  is  astonishingly  great, 
amounting  to  nearly  thirty  from  Hungary  alone — and  they  them- 
selves varying  very  considerably  in  taste  and  strength. 

The  Tokay — well  known  by  name  in  most  other  countries — is 
considered  the  choicest  of  these.  Jt  is  made  from  a  grape  growing 
on  a  hill  at  Tokay,  near  the  Upper  Theiss,  and  is  prepared,  I  under- 
stand, by  gathering  the  very  ripest  of  the  grapes,  left  on  the  vines 
till  they  seem  on  the  very  verge  of  rotting,  then  depositing  them  in 
a  large  vessel  with  a  strainer,  and  leaving  them  to  press  out  their 
own  juice.  Of  course,  this  first  extract  amounts  to  but  very  little  ; 
it  is  collected,  however,  with  the  greatest  care,  and  forms  the  gen- 
uine "  Extract"  of  Tokay,  a  thick,  pulpy,  golden-colored  wine,  sweet 
in  taste — thought  by  the  knowing  in  such  matters  throughout  East- 
ern Europe,  to  be  the  best  wine  made  in  the  world.  It  is  exceed- 
ingly expensive,  even  in  Hungary;  selling  from  50  cents  to  $2.50 
per  pint  bottle.  After  this  is  extracted,  old  wine  is  poured  over  the 
grapes,  and  another  extract  of  Tokay  is  made,  also  a  sweet  wine, 
and  very  much  valued.  The  third  extract  is  made  by  mingling  in 
many  grapes,  not  so  fully  ripe  or  so  carefully  selected,  but  still  from 
the  peculiar  kind  which  grows  on  the  ridge  of  the  Carpathians  in 
that  district.  The  Tokay  is  seldom  drank  by  the  Hungarians  freely, 
but  is  brought  forth  on  especial  occasions,  when  the  Hungarian 
would  express  his  hospitality,  and  is  taken  in  small  glasses  at  the 
end  of  the  meal,  as  a  rarity  or  cordial.  It  is  much  valued,  too,  by 
the  physicians  for  its  peculiar  sanative  properties.  Of  the  many 
other  kinds  of  wine  in  Hungary,  the  most  celebrated  are  the  Menes, 
a  sweet  wine,  considered  nearly  equal  to  the  Tokay,  the  Brian,  red 
wine,  the  Offncr,  and   the  SchomkntBr,  a    white   wine,  with  several 


106  TRADE    IN    WINE. 

other  wines  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Danube.  There  is  a  "  Cham- 
pagne  "  made  here  too,  though  not  equal  to  the  French.  It  is  a 
curious  fact  that  this  peculiar  fertility  of  Hungary  in  -wines  was 
known  even  in  the  times  of  the  Roman  Empire,  for  it  is  said  that 
in  the  year,  A.  D.,  27G,  a  Roman  Emperor  gaves  orders  for  the  cul- 
tivating of  one  of  the  Sirmian  wine-hills,  in  the  south-western 
part  of  Hungary,  for  the  sake  of  the  very  remarkable  wine  produced 
there. 

The  sourest  and  poorest  kinds  of  grapes  seem  to  grow  generally 
on  the  plains,  the  better  and  richer  on  the  side-hills.  The  annual 
yield  of  wine  in  Hungary,  is  reckoned,  by  good  statistical  writers,  at 
about  twenty -eight  millions  of  Elmer,  the  Elmer  holding  rather  more 
than  twelve  gallons.  Yet,  despite  this  immense  production,  despite 
the  quality  of  the  wines  being,  beyond  question,  the  purest  and  best 
in  Europe,  the  export  to  foreign  countries  has  always  been  very 
slight  indeed. 

The  Tokay  is  mostly  bought  up  by  Jews,  who  carry  it  over  the 
mountains  to  Poland  and  Russia,  whence  it  finds  its  way  to 
Prussia  and  Germany. 

There  is  an  unimportant  trade,  too,  in  this  and  other  wines  to 
Austria,  by  the  Danube ;  but  "  the  paternal  legislation"  of  Vienna 
has  always  arranged  it,  so  that  Hungarian  wines  could  only  be 
exported  under  a  duty,  which  would  utterly  ruin  the  trade — and  the 
consequence  has  been  that  the  wines  have  mostly  been  consumed  in 
the  country.  Since  Hungary  has  been  "  absorbed"  into  Austria,  the 
taxes  on  the  growing  of  wines,  as  I  shall  show  hereafter,  have 
equally  operated  to  check  the  whole  production. 

It  is  thought  by  some  travellers  that  the  best  Hungarian  wines 
will  not  bear  exportation  over  the  sea.  The  Hungarians  all  claim, 
however,,  that  if  properly  prepared  they  can  be  sent  any  distance 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  109 

without  the  least  injury.  I  have  no  question  that  under  a  good 
government,  this  product  of  Hungary  would  be  the  most  important 
and  profitable  export,  and  that  the  Hungarian  hills  and  mountain 
sides  would  be  as  much  sought  by  wine  merchants  for  rare  and 
good  wines,  as  are  those  of  Southern  France  or  Spain. 

I  hold  it  a  fortunate  thing  for  a  country,  where  it  produces  a 
native  wine.  Whatever  may  be  the  explanation,  I  think  no  man 
who  has  travelled  in  wine-producing  countries,  can  doubt  the  fact, 
that  drunkenness  is  much  less  common  in  those  lands  than  in 
regions  where  the  vine  is  not  raised.  With  all  its  cheap  and 
overflowing  produce  of  wines,  I  never  saw  all  the  time  I  was  in 
Hungary  a  single  drunken  man.  I  never  witnessed,  at  the  most 
jovial  tables,  the  least  "  hard-drinking." 

As  I  have  travelled  through  the  land,  I  have  often  won- 
dered why  this  beautiful  product  was  denied  to  America.  The 
climate  of  the  two  countries  appears  almost  the  same.  I 
inqiured  repeatedly  about  the  time  of  spring,  the  average  cold, 
the  amount  of  snow,  &c,  and  all  the  answers  seemed  to  show  a 
climate  remarkably  resembling  our  own.  There  are  the  same 
extremes,  the  same  sudden  changes  of  temperature,  the  same  clear, 
stimulating  atmosphere,  so  peculiar  with  us.  Snow,  I  should  think, 
in  nearly  the  same  quantity  as  in  inner  New  York,  the  summers 
like  those  there  too,  dry  and  hot,  and  the  spring,  commonly,  really 
beginning  in  the  middle  of  April. 

The  situation  of  the  country,  though  not  apparently  like  our 
own,  yet  produces  similar  results  in  climate.  Too  far  inland  to  be 
touched  by  the  warm,  moist  breezes  which  bathe  all  the  western 
of  Europe,  and  exposed  also  to  the  keen,  cold  blasts  from  the 
lofty  Carpathians,  it,  at  the  same  time,  from  it  southern  situation 
and  the  influence  of  the  sun,  on  those  wide,  uncovered  plains,  shows 


110  CLIMATE. 

as  high  a  range  of  temperature  in  summer  as  our  own  climate  ;  so 
that  the  effects  are  nearly  the  same  as  from  our  own  exposure  at 
once  to  a  tropical  sun  and  to  polar  winds ;  and  from  our  deprivation 
of  those  warm,  moist  winds  from  the  sea,  which  so  favor  the  tem- 
perature of  Western  Europe. 

The  other  productions,  too,  as  I  before  said,  are  nearly  the  same 
in  the  two  countries — so  that  climate  will  hardly  account  for  the 
difference  in  the  growth  of  the  vine.  Neither  will  difference  of  soil, 
as  the  vine  in  Hungary  is  raised  on  almost  every  variety  of  earth, 
from  the  slate,  or  granitic  soil  of  the  mountain  sides,  to  the 
sandy  soil,  or  rich  mould,  on  the  plains.  The  only  cause  is,  pro- 
bably, the  little  attention  which  has  thus  far  been  given  to  the 
matter  in  America,  and  the  little  experience  possessed  by  most  in 
cultivating  the  vine. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 
A  Peasant's  Home. 

Heves  Comitat— Inner  Hungary — April,  1S51. 

I  still  continued  ray  journey  through  the  rural  districts,  and 
again  found  myself  in  the  hospitable  and  friendly  family  of  a  gentle- 
man residing  near  the  small  village  of  N . 

As  we  all  sat,  one  morning,  in  the  usual  lounging-place  of  the 
Hungarians,  the  portico,  one  of  the  Bauer  (peasants)  on  the  estate 
came  up  near  us,  and  gradually  joined  in  the  conversation.  I  could 
not  but  be  struck  at  once  with  his  appearance.  Full  six  feet  high, 
with  a  face  browned  by  the  weather,  and  somewhat  thinned  by 
work  ;  a  full,  aquiline  nose  ;  small,  keen  dark  eyes,  and  long  black 
hair  falling  smooth  over  his  cheeks,  like  an  Indian's.  Add  to  this, 
a  flowing,  well-trimmed  beard  and  moustache ;  an  erect,  muscular 
form,  and  one  of  their  large,  shaggy  sheep-skins  folded  around  him, 
as  a  Roman  senator  might  fold  his  toga — and  you  have  a  man 
whom  in  most  countries  of  the  world,  one  would  involuntarily  stop 
to  gaze  at  and  admire.  Seeing  he  was  quite  ready  to  talk,  I 
attempted  to  draw  him  into  conversation  with  me,  asking  him, 
through  one  of  the  party  who  interpreted,  if  he  had  over  heard  of 
America  ? — if  he  would  like  to  go  there  ? — how  he  got  along  here  ? 
&c,  &c. 


112  TALK    WITH    A    PEASANT. 

He  was  a  shrewd  fellow,  and  replied  very  cautiously  at  first,  until 
he  found  out  who  I  was,  after  which  he  became  more  communica- 
tive, though  still  there  was  a  kind  of  Indian  dignity  and  reserve 
about  him. 

At  length  I  asked  him  whether  he  expected  Kossuth  back  ?  His 
face  lighted  up,  and  he  said  passionately, 

"  I  have  fought  for  him  once,  and  I  hope  to  again." 

•'  But  do  you  really  think  he  will  escape  ?"  said  I. 

"  The  reply  was  very  characteristic.  "  He  will  come  back  with 
another  Spring.  I  have  sworn  not  to  cut  my  beard  till  he  returns  /" 
and  he  pointed  to  his  flowing  beard. 

It  appears  it  is  not  the  custom  for  the  Bauer  to  wear  more  than  a 
moustache,  and  he  wore  his  beard  as  a  vow. 

I  asked  him  still  further,  "  Why  he  was  not  contented  now  ? 
He  had  no  Robot  (feudal  service)  to  do  ;  he  was  better  off  than  be- 
fore the  revolution." 

He  replied,  "  That  he  never  had  done  Robot-service.  He  could 
live  now,  to  be  sure,  but  the  taxes  were  heavy,  and  he  wanted 
Hungary  to  be  free.     He  hated  the  Austrians  !" 

After  some  little  farther  talk,  we  asked  him  if  he  would  show  us 
his  house.  He  was  willing,  and  without  giving  him  time  to  arrange 
anything,  we  followed  him  at  once  over  the  field  to  his  little  house. 

The  fence  which  surrounded  it  was  made  of  willow  branches 
woven  together,  and  seemed  slight  enough  against  the  incursions  of 
men  or  beasts.  However  the  great  guard  for  everything  was  a  number 
of  those  long-bodied,  white,  shaggy  dogs,  who  look  as  if  they  could 
throttle  a  wolf  without  difficulty,  and  who  at  once  without  warn- 
ing, made  a  fierce,  combined  attack  at  our  legs,  and  only  beat  a  re- 
treat after  a  good  use  of  our  walking  sticks.  In  the  yard,  there 
were  a  few  out-houses  for  cattle,  and  beyond  a  garden  with  melons. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  113 

the  great  luxury  of  the  peasants,  and  a  patch  of  vines,  as  every 
Bauer  makes  his  own  wine.  The  whole  looked  small,  even  for  a 
working  man,  and  without  any  touch  of  taste  or  beauty  about  it. 
Still  it  was  neat  and  moderately  well  kept.  The  house  was  a  small, 
white-washed  building  of  mud  blocks,  with  a  reed  thatch  on  the 
roof,  and  provided  on  the  side  with  the  invariable  accompaniment  of 
every  Hungarian  house  or  cabin — a  low  piazza,  with  solid  columns 
or  arches  to  uphold  it.  This  peculiarity  of  building,  which  one  sees 
everywhere  in  Hungary,  is  the  only  distinct  trait  of  Hungarian 
architecture  which  can  be  mentioned,  except  the  position  of  the 
houses,  as  I  have  before  described  it.  This  piazza,  it  must  be 
remembered,  is  not  a  projecting  portico,  but  rather  a  covered  arch- 
way in  the  side  of  the  house  itself;  and  must  have  been  first 
built  for  the  sake  of  a  cool  retreat  in  their  hot  summers.  I  have 
often  noticed  the  arcades  or  piazzas  with  much  interest  in  the 
villages,  for  they  are,  many  of  them,  exceedingly  pretty  in  form, 
with  heavy  arches  and  low  columns,  like  those  one  sees  at  times  in 
the  earliest  Romanesque  style  in  the  first  Lombard  churches.  Yet 
the  form  is  evidently  not  a  copy  from  anything,  and  was  probably 
struck  upon  by  the  architect  accidentally.  In  the  better  houses, 
this  structure  is  sometimes  carried  out  in  the  inner  apartments — the 
ceiling  being  supported  by  a  number  of  arches,  meeting  in  the  centre 
of  the  room,  and  resting  on  low  columns — giving  it  all  something 
of  the  appearance  of  a  crypt,  but  still  making  a  very  cool  and  pic- 
turesque apartment.     However,  to  our  Bauer's  cabin. 

The  inside  has  only  two  rooms,  one  where  the  family  live,  and 
the  other  "for  company."  The  entrance,  anil  what  at  first  seemed  u 
sort  of  "pantry,"  separates  them.  This  is  hung  with  dishes  and  the 
best  ware  which  the  family  possess,  In  the  mi. 1st  of  it,  front- 
ing the   door,  is  a  broad,  white  object,  built  of  stone,  like  an  altar, 


114  BAUER'S    HOUSE    KEEPING. 

which  you  discover  after  awhile,  is  the  kitchen  fireplace,  the  fire 
being  made  on  the  open  top,  and  the  "  draught"  coming  from  a 
hole  in  the  roof  above.  It  is  only  within  three  years  that  this  most 
unpractical  contrivance  has  been  replaced  in  some  of  the  best  houses 
of  Hungary,  with  a  cooking  stove. 

The  two  rooms  of  the  house  are  as  neat  as  the  tidiest  homes  of 
our  American  housekeepers.  The  floors  are  of  hardened  earth, 
but  very  dry  and  well  swept.  In  each  room  is  a  tall,  white  pyramid 
in  the  corner,  of  baked  mud  blocks,  which  is  their  stove,  and  a  kind 
of  "  air-tight"  beside,  as  they  can  shut  it  up  close  and  keep  their 
fires  a  great  while  in  the  winter.  There  are  chairs  and  benches  for 
furniture,  and  several  large,  clean-looking  beds.  In  the  best  room 
are  better  chairs,. and  various  little  objects  of  a  more  valuable  kind, 
which  our  family  of  Bauer  happened  to  have.  Among  the 
wealthier  Bauer,  one  sees  a  good  board  flooring  on  this  room, 
usually.  It  was  characteristic  of  the  Hungarian  Bauer,  and  what 
is  always  seen  in  their  cottages,  that  a  well-used  Bible  and  Hymn- 
book  were  in  one  corner  of  this  room. 

After  we  had  examined  everything  quite  thoroughly  for  a  time, 
at  which  our  host  appeared  in  no  degree  offended,  he  and  his  wife 
brought  forth  their  best  dresses  from  a  largo  box,  as  a  curiosity  for 
my  inspection.  There  was  his  large  sheep-skin  robe  for  Sundays, 
the  wool,  dressed  and  party-colored  very  nicely,  and  the  other  side 
well  tanned,  and  really  quite  richly  embroidered,  so  that  it  can  be 
worn  with  either  side  out  as  the  weather  suits.  Then  there  was 
another  sheep-skin,  his  best  overcoat,  colored  black,  and  the  wool  in 
this  probably  woven  on  to  the  lining,  and  thus  made  very  long  to  shed 
rain.  Besides  these,  there  were  his  tall,  shining  boots,  with  jingling 
spurs,  to  be  wrorn  when  he  would  put  on  his  most  "  taking"  costume, 
and  would  dance  with  the  peasant  o-irls  nn  the  green  to  the  music 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  115 

of  the  Czigany  (the  Hungarian  gipsies).  His  wife,  with  visible 
pride,  showed  us  her  kodmony,  a  loose  jacket  of  sheep-skin,  with 
the  softly-dressed  wool  inside,  and  rich  embroideries  and  colored 
figures  outside,  in  fact  her  dress  shawl;  then  her  gay  red  and 
)Tellow  handkerchiefs  fear  her  head  when  she  goes  out  on  market- 
day  to  sell  their  garden  vegetables,  or  to  buy  from  the  pedlars  ; 
her  huge  sheep-skin  cloak,  too,  for  the  storms,  and  her  bright  red 
leather  boots,  reaching  up  almost  to  her  knees,  to  be  worn  only  on 
great  occasions,  when  she  attends  the  yearly  fair,  or  goes  to  church 
on  Sunday  mornings.  All  this  was  very  pleasant  and  interesting. 
and  I  felt  quite  glad  at  the  opportunity  of  seeing  a  Hungarian 
Bauer's  "  fixtures." 

In  going  away  the  peasant  took  my  hand,  and  wished  me  the 
Hungarian  blessing — "Istex  Aldjon  Meg,"  and  then  said  some- 
thing almost  solemnly  in  Hungarian.  I  asked  what  it  was,  and 
they  translated. 

"  When  I  am  driven  out  to  your  land  over  the  winters,  I  shall 
come  to  you,  for  I  will  remember  you  have  been  under  my  roof!" 

From  all  which  they  say,  this  man  and  his  cottage  must  be  fair 
examples  of  the  Hungarian  Bauer  and  their  condition.  He  had 
always  been  and  his  father  before  him,  a  laborer  on  this  estate.  A 
hard-working  peasant,  living  on  wages  from  fifteen  to  thirty  kreut- 
zers  (i.  e.  from  thirteen  to  twenty-six  cents)  per  day,  still  no  slave, 
and  no  crushed  man,  like  the  Irish  peasant.  Vigorous  in  body, 
independent,  with  a  good  deal  of  information,  considering  his  situa- 
tion, and  certainly  with  a  more  than  usual  shrewdness,  he  would 
compare  favorably  with  the  peasants  of  any  country  of  Europe,  not 
excepting  those  of  England  itself.  It  is  true  this  man  ami  his  fellow- 
workmen  on  this  estate,  had  never  been  obliged  to  do  Feudal  ser- 
vice;  but  they  had  always   lived  under  the  same  general  constitu- 


116  FEUDAL    BURDENS. 

tion  and  Lad  suffered  under  the  same  exacting  laws,  as  the  other 
peasants  of  Hungary. 

I  saw  no  reason  afterwards,  also,  when  I  reached  the  districts 
where  the  Bauer  had  been  obliged  to  work  so  many  days  a  year  for 
their  masters,  to  suppose  that  they  were  in  #any  degree  less  intelli- 
gent or  less  comfortably  situated  than  these  here.  The  truth  is,  as 
I  shall  show  more  at  length  hereafter,  the  old  Hungarian  Constitu- 
tion, like  the  cruel  laws  in  the  English  code,  was  much  worse  on 
paper  than  in  practice. 

It  has  been,  by  the  way,  a  very  profitable  thing  for  the  gentle- 
man who  had  owned  this  estate,  that  he  had  had  no  serfs  of  any  kiud 
under  him.  A  great  many  of  the  Hungarian  landholders  are  suffer- 
ing now  extremely  from  the  Act  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament  of 
'4  8  and  '49,  establishing  the  freedom  of  the  Bauer  from  all  feudal 
service.  Some — especially  the  Siebenburgen — are  utterly  ruined 
iy  it,  as  the  great  value  of  their  estates  rested  in  the  amount  of 
Robot,  or  work  due  by  law,  attaching  to  the  estates.  Many,  too, 
had  mortgaged  their  properties  on  this  labor  as  on  so  much  rent 
accruing ;  others  had  bought  large  farms,  where  the  principal 
item  of  value  was  the  Robot  from  the  Bauer.  All  this  has  en- 
tangled their  affairs  in  a  most  perplexing  manner,  or  else  has  utterly 
ruined  their  properties.  This  gentleman  here  had  entirely  escaped 
all  that,  simply  because  he  lived  on  no  Robot,  but  paid  labor  its  fan- 
equivalent. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

A  Hungarian  Dinner. 

As  we  walked  up  to  the  house,  talking  of  various  matters,  and  as 
the  Bauer  constantly  stopped  my  friend  to  get  his  advice  or  opinion, 
I  could  not  but  think  how  very  pleasant  the  situation  of  a  country 
gentleman  in  Hungary  was.  He  is  more  like  a  patriarch  among 
his  family,  than  a  landlord.  His  property  is  invested  a  great  deal  in 
immense  herds  of  cattle,  or  in  large  grain  fields  which  the  peasants 
farm,  and  for  the  labor  on  which,  they  pay  themselves  by  taking  a 
certain  portion  of  the  crops.  There  is  very  little  vexation  of  gather- 
ing "  rent,"  and  the  trouble  of  selling  enough  to  live  comfortably 
by,  is  very  slight  indeed,  as  the  buyers  always  come  to  the  farmers 
in  Hungaiy.  It  is  a  generous,  free  life,  only  a  little  dangerous  to 
"  poor  human  nature."  It  may  make  a  man  a  gentleman,  but  it  is 
a  little  liable  also  to  make  him  a  drone.  After  reaching  the  house, 
we  found,  with  appetites  well  freshened  by  the  walk,  a  hearty  Hun- 
garian dinner  set  out  for  us ;  and  our  "  hostess,"  knowing  m 
hobby  at  present  for  seeing  the  Hungarian  habits,  had  prepared 
some  of  the  peculiar  dishes  of  the  country  for  us.  It  ought  to  be 
mentioned  here  that  the  Hungarians,  though  they  have  a  great 
variety  of  dishes  at  their  dinners,  are  not  by  any  moans  gross 
eaters.     Indeed,  any  one  blessed  with  the  "  Anglo-Saxon"  capa- 


118  A    DINNER. 

bilities  of  consuming  roast  beef*  and  plum  pudding,  is  quite  put 
to  shame  at  their  modest  performances  at  table.  The  dinner  hour 
is  usually  one  o'clock,  and  the  meal  opens  always,  as  it  did  here, 
with  a  soup.  As  a  relish  for  this  dish,  there  are  commonly  little 
rjund  balls  of  dough  filled  with  hashed  meat,  floating  in  it.  After 
this  comes  the  boiled  beef  eaten  alone,  without  vegetables.  At  this 
dinner  the  next  dishes  were  the  choice  fish  of  the  Theiss — the  river 
most  celebrated  in  Hungary  for  its  fish.  Those  we  had  here  were  a 
sturgeon — a  small  species,  about  a  foot  long ;  boiled  and  stewed 
car j),  a  fish  as  large  as  our  river  carp,  but  with  much  finer  flavor. 
Both  made  very  choice  dishes,  but  I  was  chary  of  them,  as  they  are 
said  to  be  not  at  all  healthy  for  strangers,  causing  frequently  what  is 
called  the  Theiss  fever.  At  this  point  of  the  meal  the  wines  were 
passed — the  light  white  wine  of  the  country,  the  pure  light  red 
wine  of  Ofen,  one  of  the  most  healthy  wines  of  the  world — and  with 
them,  much  to  my  astonishment,  there  were  passed  around  also, 
and  most  eagerly  drank,  various  extremely  disagreeable  mineral 
ivaters.  The  waters  from  the  iron  springs  in  the  Northern  Carpa- 
thians, and  from  various  sulphur  springs — most  of  them  having  the 
odor  of  water  from  a  very  bad  pump,  and  peculiarly  calculated  to 
spoil  the  taste  of  any  drink  they  might  be  mingled  with.  Yet,  as  I 
afterwards  found,  the  drinking  of  these  medicinal  waters  with  wine, 
is  the  universal  custom  on  jovial  occasions  in  Hungary  ;  and  seems 
to  be  considered  as  a  sort  of  continual  medicine,  or  preventive  of  all 
the  evils  from  good  living.  It  will  perhaps  account  for  the  very 
little  injury  done  through  the  whole  people  to  either  their  morals  or 
health,  by  their  constant  wine-drinking.  Our  next  course  was  a 
stew  of  extremely  small  chickens  (Hendel)  prepared  in  red  pepper, 
in  a  way  which  is  somewhat  exciti  ig  to  a  stranger's  palate  who  is 
not  accustomed  to  this  peculiarity  of  the  Hungarian  cooking.     In 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  119 

fact,  the  whole  population  from  Bauer  to  Magnate,  make  the  most 
constant  use  in  every  possible  way  of  red  pepper,  and  every  dish 
that  can  admit  it,  has  it. 

Next  followed  a  dish  of  small  larks  broiled,  and  then  a  genuine 
pudding  of  the  country,  such  as  is  eaten  in  every  cottage  and  castle 
of  the  land,  consisting  of  small  strips  of  dough,  worked  up  in  such  a 
way  that  they  look  like  little  bits  of  leather,  and  crisped,  and  at  our 
dinner  eaten  with  sugar — a  not  unpalatable  pudding,  despite  its 
leathery  appearance. 

After  this  came  the  roast  meats  and  salad  ;  and,  as  I  have  often 
seen,  though  not  here,  little  round  preparations  of  sour-kraut,  con- 
taining a  piece  of  meat  in  the  centre.  Here  another  variety,  from 
their  innumerable  Hungarian  wines,  was  brought  in — the  Schom- 
lauer,  a  white  wine,  considered  by  English,  though  not  by  Hunga- 
rians, the  best,  as  it  is  not  so  sweet  as  their  most  celebrated  wines. 

Closing  the  solid  dishes,  was  a  huge  platter-full,  set  out  with 
pride  by  the  hostess,  of  genuine  "  Yankee  fritters"  just  smoking 
from  the  frying-pan,  and  eaten  in  true  New  England  style,  with 
sugar  for  sauce.  I  could  not  but  smile  at  this  imitation  of  our  home 
dishes,  and  told  them  how  often  I  had  eaten  that  in  America. 

They  said  they  could  show  me  one  dish  at  least,  which  I  had 
probably  never  seen,  and  whose  material  even,  I  would  not  guess — 
and  despite  my  protestations,  at  once  ordered  it.  While  waiting 
for  it,  the  dessert  of  little  cakes  and  the  generous  old  Tokay  wine — 
the  prince  of  wines — was  brought  in.  During  the  whole  time  of  the 
dinner  the  conversation  ran  on  most  cheerfully  in  the  company. 
The  children  joked  and  talked  with  their  father;  the  guests  dis- 
cussed  that  subject  which,  in  all  their  history,  has  been  the  subject 
most  familiar  to  this  people,  politics,  and  even  the  ladies  joined  in 
it,  in  that  eager,  passionate  way  which  characterized  the  Hungarian 


120  DINNER-TALK. 

conversation  everywhere.  As  the  dessert  was  brought  in,  the  chil- 
dren all  came  up  and  kissed  their  father's  hand  and  bade  him  good 
day,  and  left  the  room.  The  hostess  commenced  making  the  coffee 
on  the  table  ;  cigars  were  produced,  and  the  company  drew  them- 
selves together  for  the  best  part  of  the  meal — the  after  dinner 
conversation. 

It  is  curious  to  see  the  intense  interest  of  the  people  everywhere 
in  this  country,  in  the  Hungarian  exiles  in  foreign  lands.  The  first 
question  from  Bauer,  or  Noble,  is  always  as  to  their  countrymen — 
how  they  live  ? — what  they  are  working  upon  ?  how  they  bear 
themselves  ?  It  seems  to  be  a  peculiarity  of  Hungary,  that  every 
one  knows  every  one  else.  The  men  have  all  been  thrown  so  con- 
stantly together,  in  their  colleges,  in  political  life,  in  the  elections,  in 
the  Parliament,  and  at  last,  in  the  Revolution,  that  you  can  hardly 
mention  a  name  of  a  person  in  Hungary,  or  without,  who  is  not  at 
once  recognized,  and  whose  life  and  history  are  not  thoroughly 
known.  As  it  may  be  imagined,  many  a  question  about  their  exiled 
leaders  was  asked  me  at  this  time,  and  I  heard  many  an  interesting- 
fact  of  these  men,  who  are  now  so  constantly  coming  to  our  shores 
and  to  England,  in  the  Hungarian  emigration. 

It  was  very  interesting,  too,  to  see  how  the  old  battles  were 
fought  over.  Most  of  those  at  the  table  had  been  in  some,  and 
each  struggle  and  victory  over  -the  Austrians  was  gone  over  again, 
as  many  of  us  will  remember  in  our  childhood  the  old  people  used 
to  recount  the  battles  of  our  Revolution  with  the  British.  The  gal- 
lant victories  under  Gorgey  and  Perczel,  in  the  spring  of  '49  ;  the 
taking  of  Pesth ;  the  driving  of  the  Austrians  to  the  borders  of  Hun- 
gary— all  these  were  followed  through  with  a  real  exultation  at  the 
remembrance.  Then,  more  soberly,  the  entrance  of  the  Russians, 
and  Gorgey's  long  and  disastrous  retreat,  and  finally,  even  at  this 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  121 

distance  of  time,  they  told  with  passionate  indignation — even  as  we 
would,  if  Washington  had  given  up  the  contest  and  betrayed  the 
army  at  "the  crossing  of  the  Delaware" — of  Gorgey's  treachery 
and  the  laying  down  of  the  arms  at  Vilagos.  There  is  nothing  a 
Hungarian  likes  better  to  speak  of,  than  the  bravery  of  his  coun- 
trymen, and  especially  when,  as  is  usual,  the  Austrians  are  the  suf- 
ferers under  it. 

During  our  conversation,  the  "  unknown"  Hungarian  dish  was 
placed  before  us,  and  they  all  waited  for  my  surprise,  and  my 
guesses,  how  it  was  made.  I  could  not  help  a  good  laugh,  when  I 
saw  that  the  mysterious  article,  was  a  large  platter  of  very  tempting- 
looking  popped  corns.  They  all  joined  in  the  laugh  over  the 
resemblance  in  our  national  delicacies,  and  without  farther  ado,  we 
attacked  the  strange  dish  with  a  good  relish. 

After  some  farther  pleasant  conversation,  we  broke  up  our  party, 
and  I  bade  adieu  to  my  hospitable  friend  and  to  some  as  fine 
specimens  of  Hungarian  men  as  I  have  often  seen. 

The  ride  on,  in  a  comfortable  carriage  of  my  host,  was  over  the 
same  wide,  green  stretch  of  the  Puszta,  and  it  was  only  towards 
nightfall,  that  I  reached  the  next  estate,  to  whose  owner  I  was 
introduced.  Here  again  came  a  hearty  welcome — and  another 
social  evening.  At  the  close,  I  was  glad  to  retreat  to  the  large 
room  for  guests,  and  in  a  good  bed  to  sleep  away  the  fatigue  of  the 
day.  However,  I  found  sleep  was  out  of  the  question,  under  the 
incessant  attacks  of  a  swarm  of  peculiarly  ravenous  musquitoes.  I 
said  something  about  it  to  a  gentleman  who  was  sleeping  in  the 
same  room — and,  at  once,  despite  my  remonstrances,  he  called  up 
the  servant  and  ordered  him  to  burn  the  musquito-root — the  grand 
preventive  for  musquitoes.  This  root  thoy  call  the  "  Alant  root" — 
(the  Botanical  name  is  Inula  Ih-lnthtm,  I  lx'liew),  and  it  belongs 
0 


T22  THE    MUSQUTTO-ROOT. 

to  the  same  family,  as  the  horse  radish.  The  smoke,  when  the 
root  is  burned  on  coals,  has  a  strong  aromatic  odor,  and  is  said  to 
cither  drive  out  the  musquitoes,  or  to  intoxicate  them,  so  that  they 
are  utterly  incapable  of  carrying  out  their  bloody  intentions.  If 
intoxication  is  indicated  by  a  strong  propensity  to  singing,  the  said 
musquitoes  were  gloriously  "  high,"  on  this  occasion.  For  the  last 
tiling  I  remember  that  night,  was  a  cheerful  and  jovial  singing  of 
the  insects  about  my  head,  and  the  dark  face  of  the  Croat,  as  he 
swung  the  pan  of  coals,  with  the  smoking  root,  like  a  waving  censer 
around  the  bed. 


CHAPTER    XVI. 
The  Hungarian  Aristocrat  and  the  Peasants. 

K 8.  Heves  Comitat — April,  1S51. 

Iv  this  village  there  is  a  wealthy  gentleman,  who  illustrates  very 
well  a  certain  class  in  Hungary.  I  have  taken  the  opportunity, 
while  here,  to  visit  him. 

His  house  is  a  white-washed  stone-house,  considerably  larger 
than  are  most  of  the  Hungarian  houses,  and  surrounded  with  a 
really  extensive  park  of  bushes  and  trees.  We  wound  up  through 
the  walks,  passing  an  arbor  where  people  were  apparently  breakfast- 
ing in  the  open  air,  and  at  last  found  the  gentleman  we  wished  to 
visit,  sitting  in  the  portico,  enjoying  his  long  Meerschaum,  and 
"  morning-coffee." 

He  was  a  portly  man,  who  had  lived»and  grown  fat  all  his  life  on 
the  labor  of  others,  and  who,  of  course,  took  strong  "conservative" 
views  of  all  questions.  Our  conversation  soon  turned  to  political 
Bubjects. 

I  inquired  lmw  the  freedom  from  Robot — i.  e.  from  feudal  labor 
among  the  Bauer,  had  worked  in  that  neighborhood? 

"Badly,  very  badly,  sir,"  said  he,  "the  proprietors  are  almost 
ruined — they  have  lost  everything.     Their  peasants  are  not  obliged 


124  CONVERSATION— THE    ROBOT. 

to  work  for  them,  and  will  not,  except  for  very  high  wages.  I  have 
large  estates  in  Siebenburgen  (Transylvania)  now,  which  scarcely 
pay  their  expenses.  When  that  Bill  for  freeing  the  peasants  from 
lent,  had  passed  the  Parliament,  I  said  at  the  time, — I  was  a 
member, — that  the  Government  was  bound  to  make  a  restitution. 

"  And  afterwards,  when  the  clause  was  added  in  the  resolution 
of  the  House,  that  the  State  would  pledge  a  remuneration,  suitable 
to  its  honor,  I  told  the  House  that  it  was  all  too  much  mere 
-phrases.  We  wanted  a  more  exact  promise.  As  it  is,  we  have 
received  nothing.  Many  a  man  has  lost  his  all.  The  most  of  them 
expected  some  kind  of  a  restitution ;  but  thus  far,  they  have  not 
had  a  hreutzer.  The  Government  now  promises,  according  to  its 
plan,  to  make  good  a  third  of  the  loss ;  but  if  has  not  been  done 
yet,  and  we  fear,  never  will  be." 

In  regard  to  this  plan  of  the  Austrian  Government  it  appears, 
that  in  freeing  the  peasants  in  Bohemia,  they  have  adopted  the 
rule  of  making  the  peasants  pay  one  third  of  the  loss — taking  on 
themselves  another  third,  and  leaving  the  rest  to  be  borne  by  the 
landlords.  Though,  as  I  frequently  found  in  Bohemia,  the  Govern- 
ment-quota had  been  very  scantily  paid. 

I  inquired  of  this  gentleman  how  he  had  met  the  change  there 
on  his  estate  ? 

"  My  peasants,"  said  he  in  reply,  "  did  not  own  their  little  plots 
of  ground,  as  in  many  districts.  They  only  '  occupied,'  and  paid 
their  rent  in  this  labor,  of  a  certain  number  of  days'  work  in  the 
year.  After  the  act  of  Parliament  of  '47  and  '48,  they  became 
of  course,  all  free  from  any  forced  rent,  while  the  land  still  con- 
tinues mine.  The  course,  which  I  have  adopted  since — and  which 
I  have  found  very  profitable — is  to  let  out  my  whole  estate,  nearly, 
to  tenants,  giving  leases  only  for  five  years.     I  have  been  in  this 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  125 

way  freed  from  the  annoyance  of  finding  labor,  at  this  time,  for 
my  fields.  I  am  sure,  too,  of  all  my  income  in  disturbed  times, 
and  I  have  guarded  against  too  frequent  changes  in  the  manage- 
ment of  my  farms  by  leasing  for  five  years." 

Our  conversation  turned,  not  long  after,  to  the  Revolution  and 
Kossuth. 

"  It  was  a  foolish  thing  for  Hungary,"  he  said,  "  we  staked  every- 
thing on  a  mere  chance — and  lost.  Kossuth  was  no  statesman. 
He  ought  never  to  have  declared  the  Independence  of  Hungary. 
He  ought  to  have  known  we  would  be  ruined.  No  other  power 
would  help  us  in  Europe,  and  what  could  we  hope  against  Russia 
and  Austria  ?  It  was  a  foolish,  impractical  thing.  We  might  have 
gained  something,  then,  by  other  measures,  but  now,  we  have  lost 
all." 

It  did  not  seem  to  occur  to  him  that  there  are  times,  when  a 
State,  as  well  as  a  man,  may  act  boldly,  without  being  at  all  certain 
of  the  consequences.  However,  his  pocket,  poor  man,  had  suffered 
much  from  the  Revolution — and  what  else  could  be  expected  from 
him! 

In  reference  to  his  losses,  as  well  as  the  losses  generally  of  the 
landlords,  in  Transylvania,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  no  othei 
part  of  Hungary,  were  the  feudal  exactions  on  the  peasants  so 
oppressive,  and  as  a  natural  result,  in  no  part  have  the  losses  of  the 
proprietors  in  the  freedom  of  the  peasants  been  so  great,  so  irre- 
mediable. .No  peasant  will  work,  even  for  wages,  for  the  man  who 
once  treated  him  as  a  brute. 

I  asked  farther  some  questions  about  the  taxes  and  the  present 
policy  of  the  Government. 

"  Conservative,"  as  he  was,  he  could  not  conceal  his  bitterness. 
"They  have  taxed   everything,"  he  said,  "my   house,  garden, 


126  HUNGARIAN    HOSPITALITY. 

crops,  my  wine,  and  the  tobacco  in  my  fields ;  and  even  my  wife  and 
my  servants  must  pay  their  poll  tax.  I  consider  the  Government 
most  unfortunately  advised.  No  one  in  office  understands  the 
character  of  the  people.  As  things  go  on  now,  there  is  danger. 
They  must  change.  The  present  state  of  things  cannot  continue. 
And  for  my  part,  I  confidently  hope  soon  for  a  change  of  policy." 

This  man,  as  I  have  said  above,  represented  an  important  class — 
the  wealthy  landholders  and  the  Magnates,  or  Lords,  who  stood 
aloof  from  the  mass  of  the  nation,  in  their  struggle.  They  were 
never  respected  before  the  Revolution,  and  since,  they  are  in  a  more 
unpleasant  situation  than  ever.  The  people  despise  them,  and  the 
Government  turns  the  cold  shoulder  on  them,  so  that  they  live 
quite  by  themselves  on  their  estates. 

After  a  pleasant  stay  in  this  village,  I  left  it  in  my  course  over 
the  Hungarian  Plain,  and  was  conveyed  in  the  carriage  of  the  gen- 
tleman I  was  visiting,  on  to  the  next  village.  Every  person  whom 
I  visited  in  this  neighborhood,  whether  he  was  the  country  clergy- 
man, or  a  college  professor,  or  a  private  gentleman,  always  insisted 
on  my  staying  with  him  ;  in  fact,  to  do  anything  else  seemed 
almost  to  be  considered  a  want  of  courtesy.  _  No  one,  with  good 
letters  of  introduction  in  Inner  Hungary,  ever  goes  to  a  hotel. 

I  may  say  here,  that  such  was  the  universal  hospitality  towards 
me,  as  an  American,  that  while  in  Hungary,  except  naturally  in 
Pesth,  I  did  not  lodge  in  a  hotel  more  than  once,  or  pay  a  penny 
for  hired  vehicles.  Wherever  I  visited,  it  was  with  difficulty  [ 
could  get  away.  I  always  stayed  days  where  I  meant  to  stay  hours. 
They  said  it  was  an  old  device  of  Hungarian  hospitality,  if  the 
guest  seemed  obstinately  bent  on  going,  to  slip  out  and  take  off  the 
wheels  of  his  wagon,  and  oblige  him  to  remain !  And  that  less 
than  a  three  days'  visit  was  an  insult  to  your  host !" 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  127 

This,  it  should  be  remembered,  was  no  especial  courtesy  to  nic. 
It  is  the  habit  of  the  people.  I  had  often  heard  before  of  this  hos- 
pitality. I  experienced  more  of  it,  because  people  always  remem- 
bered our  American  hospitality  to  the  Hungarian  exiles  in  their  dis- 
tress and  poverty. 

My  journey  lay  at  this  time,  through  the  country  of  the  Jazyges 
and  Cumanians,  and  later  of  the  Haiducks,  and  in  the  course  of  it, 
I  reached  the  village  of  T — . — ,  which,  for  obvious  reasons,  it  will 
be  unadvisable  to  mention  more  particularly.  It  is  enough  to  say  it 
was  a  town  in  the  very  centre  of  the  land,  entirely  inhabited  by  the 
Bauer,  and  with  no  nobleman  owning  a  foot  of  ground  in  the 
hmits.  It  was  quite  probable  I  was  one  of  the  first  travellers — 
certainly  the  first  American — who  had  ever  entered  it ;  and  it  was 
so  far  removed  from  the  great  routes,  that  only  two  or  three  in  the 
whole  population  could  be  found  who  even  spoke  German.  A  better 
example  of  a  simple  Hungarian  village  could  not  probably  be  met 
with  in  the  land. 

I  was  furnished  with  a  letter  to  the  clergyman,  and  though  his 
German  was  somewhat  limited,  he  received  me  with  the  heartiest 
welcome,  and  by  the  aid  of  mingled  Latin,  Hungarian,  and  gestures, 
we  managed  to  understand  each  other  moderately  well.  He  entered 
at  once  heartily  into  my  design  of  seeing  Hungary — even  the  coun- 
try-life— and  in  the  afternoon  took  me  on  a  long  walk  through  the 
village. 

It  appears  the  Bauer  here  had  never  been,  at  least  for  many 
hundred  years,  under  Feudal  exactions.  Though  they  were  not 
allowed  till  1848  to  vote  for  members  of  the  National  Parliament, 
they  had  the  right  to  elect  their  own  town  officers,  and  the  only 
burdens  upon  them  were  the  duty  of  military  Bervice  to  tin-  State, 
and  certain   light  taxes.     Under  such  a  system,  with   their  own 


128  THE    PEASANTS— THEIR    COURTESY. 

judges,  their  own  aldermen,  and  managing  independently  the  aflairs 
of  their  township,  there  had  grown  up  a  very  sturdy,  free  popula- 
tion in  the  village.  There  were  no  nobles  there— no  rich  land- 
holders,  but  there  was  no  poverty  and  no  slavishness.  As  I  walked 
around  among  them,  they  seemed  to  me  like  men — free,  indepen- 
dent men — more  than  any  population  almost  I  had  ever  met. 

As  I  learned  afterwards,  there  are  large  districts  in  various  parts 
of  Hungary,  where  the  Bauer  have  enjoyed  such  free  institutions.     I 
had  heard  that  this  village  was  famous  for  its  handsome  men,  and  I 
found  it  did  not  at  all  belie  its  reputation.     In  every  part,  in  our 
walk,  we  met  tall,  vigorous,  well-formed   men,  whom  in  any  other 
land  one  would  stop  to  gaze  at,  though  here  they  are  scarcely  remark- 
able.    The  more  I  saw  of  this  people  here,  and  also  in  other  parts 
of  Inner  Hungary,  the  more  I  was  struck  with  the  advantages  to  a 
nation  of  a  free  agricultural  life.     There  was  a  richness  and  hearti- 
ness of  feeling,  a  certain  manliness  in  them,  such  as  one  would 
seldom  see  in  a  manufacturing  class.     A  simple  dignity  too,  and  a 
courteous  hospitality,  with  a  poetry  of  expression,  such  as  is  very 
singular  and  pleasing  to  the  stranger.     It  was  very  striking  here,  in 
this  village,  to  see  middle-aged  men,  with  their  flowing  beards,  meet- 
ing one  another  with  a  kiss.     Then  the  Bauer,  wherever  we  visited, 
met  us  with  such  real  courtesy — poured  out  their  best  before  us,  and 
always  insisted  on  going  out  even  to  the  last  gate,  to  accompany 
us. 

No  where  did  Kossuth's  poetic  eloquence  find  such  a  passionate 
response  as  among  these  farming-peasants  of  the  Hungarian  plain. 
His  appeals  to  the  great  Being  who  watches  over  the  rights  of  his 
creatines,  and  whom  he  called  the  God  of  Hungary,  seemed  to 
them  superhuman.  As  he  spoke  of  Freedom,  of  Brotherhood,  of  the 
wrongs  of  their  fatherland,  and  the  disgrace  of  slavery,  they  answered 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  129 

with  tears  and  with  shouts  of  enthusiasm.  Through  the  villages  of 
Central  Hungary  there  was  scarcely  a  peasant  who  could  grasp 
scythe  or  sword,  who  did  not  march  out  at  his  call  to  join  the 
Hungarian  army. 

An  agricultural  population  usually  strikes  one  as  inferior  to  a 
manufacturing  in  activity  of  thought;  but  this  fault  does  not  appear 
among  these  farmers  of  the  Hungarian  plain.  The  incessant^o/^V/caZ 
life  and  movement,  through  their  whole  history,  in  Hungary,  have, 
beyond  anything,  educated  tbe  people.  And  one  could  see  that 
these  men  had  not  grown  dull  or  inactive  at  all  in  their  secluded 
life. 

But  especially  could  you  observe  the  advantage  of  their  pursuits 
in  their  full,  vigorous,  manly  forms.  It  was  a  pleasure  to  look  at 
men  so  healthy,  and  enjoying  such  a  fullness  of  life,  without  too  the 
the  usual  sensuality  which  accompanies  great  strength  and  overflow- 
ing health. 

Now  that  I  am  speaking  of  this,  I  would  say  that  I  took  consider- 
able pains  in  Hungary  to  notice  the  diet  and  habits  of  eating  of  the 
people,  as  connected  with  this  remarkable  vigor  of  the  race,  hoping 
some  useful  hints  might  be  derived  for  America  on  the  subject. 
This  seemed  more  desirable,  as  there  is  no  country  of  Europe — as  I 
have  before  remarked — so  resembling  our  own,  or  at  least  the 
Middle  States  of  our  own,  in  climate. 

As  far  as  I  observed,  the  great  peculiarity  of  the  people  was  their 
temperance  in  eating  and  drinking,  and  at  the  same  time  their 
making  the  meals  a  pleasant  social  occasion,  and  not  merely  a  pro- 
cess for  filling  up  the  stomachs.  When  I  say  they  are  "temperate," 
I  mean  they  imlulge  in  no  excess;  as,  in  respect  to  wine  drinking, 
there  is  scarcely  a  man  in  the  land  who  does  not  drink  the  light 
wine  at  his  dinner  and  supner.  But  with  the  Hungarian  the  m^al- 
G* 


130  HABITS    OF    EATING. 

time  is  a  time  foi  social  intercourse,  when  friends  meet ;  or  when 
the  children  and  relatives  all  gather  with  the  parents,  and  have 
almost  their  only  merry,  familiar  conversation,  during  the  day. 
They  sit  a  great  while  at  table,  and  taste  of  a  great  variety  of 
dishes,  at  least  among  the  better  classes.  Still  they  are  not  by  any 
means  as  hearty  eaters  as  the  Americans  or  English.  They  appear 
more  like  the  French — preferring  variety  of  tastes  to  any  great 
amount.  Indeed,  to  a  traveller  with  a  keen  appetite,  or  to  one 
accustomed  to  the  vigorous  exploits  of  the  English  at  the  table,  the 
Hungarians  seem  really  abstemious.  They  make  much  more  use 
of  fruits,  and  salads,  and  curious  puddings,  and  the  light  pure  wines, 
than  we  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  A  Hungarian  would  consider 
himself  in  danger  of  becoming  a  sot,  if  he  should  drink  every  day 
the  strong  brandied  wines  which  every  Englishman  has  on  his  table. 
The  English  in  Hungary,  too,  say  it  is  impossible  in  that  clear, 
oxygenated  climate,  to  keep  up  their  habits  of  beef-eating  and 
drinking. 

The  first  meal  among  the  Hungarians  is  taken  at  seven  or  eight 
in  the  morning,  and  consists  only  of  a  glass  of  coffee,  with  rich  milk 
and  some  meagre  cuttings  of  cold  toast  broken  up  and  eaten  in  the 
coffee. 

This  is  the  universal  breakfast  for  all  classes  except  the  poorest 
Bauer.  Between  this  and  the  dinner  at  one  or  two,  nothing  is 
usually  eaten  or  drank.  The  dinner,  as  I  have  said  before,  is  long, 
with  a  great  variety  of  dishes,  not  essentially  differing  from  our  own, 
except  that  it  is  lighter,  and  a  greater  use  is  made  of  light  wines. 
This  meal  is  always  followed  by  a  cup  of  coffee.  The  only  other 
meal  is  the  supper  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening — a  long  meal 
again,  with  soup,  fish,  pudding  and  wine.  Tea  is  very  little  drank 
in  the  land ;  sugar  and  sweetened  articles,  too,  are  seldom  used. 


HUNGARY    IN     185).  131 

What  especial  theory  of  diet,  to  draw  from  all  this,  I  am  at  a  loss 
to  determine.  Still  the  facts  may  he  useful  to  some  who  are  inves- 
tigating the  matter.  The  principal  things,  worthy  of  imitation, 
seem  to  be  the  moderation  and  sociability  of  the  meals,  and  the 
distance  of  time  at  which  they  are  separated — the  last  being,  no 
doubt,  very  conducive  to  health.  The  great  cause  of  their  vigorous 
health  and  well-formed  bodies  must  be  found,  without  doubt,  in 
their  open  air  pursuits  and  manly  exercises,  to  which  they  are  all 
ardently  attached.  They  are  a  nation  of  herdsmen  and  farmers, 
and  are  enjoying  the  benefits  of  their  pursuits. 

No  account  of  their  habits  would  be  complete  without  stating 
that  the  whole  population,  from  the  nobleman  and  clergyman  down 
to  the  lowest  Bauer  on  the  Puszta,  smoke  incessantly  from  morning 
till  night. 

However,  to  return  to  our  walk  through  the  village.  It  was  soon 
noised  abroad  that  an  American  was  in  the  village,  and  we  found 
everywhere  groups  of  curious  gazers  at  the  first  man  they  had  seen 
from  the  Western  World.  We  called  upon  the  Judges  of  tho 
village, — dignified,  gray-headed  old  peasants — and  everywhere  I 
heard  allusions  of  thankfulness  to  the  kindness  of  the  Americans  to 
the  exiles.  One  man  had  a  picture  and  a  long  account  in  Hunga- 
rian of  the  reception  of  the  first  Hungarians  in  New  York.  At  last, 
in  our  rambles,  we  were  overtaken  by  a  large  two-seated  wicker 
wagon,  with  four  horses  sent  out  by  the  village  authorities  to  con- 
duct us  around,  in  the  town.  Accordingly  up  we  mounted,  with  a 
"<rack"  Hungarian  driver,  in  short  embroidered  jacket,  and  boots 
and  spurs,  on  the  box,  and  made  tho  circuit  of  the  town  and  neigh- 
borhood. 

Everywhere  that  we  visited,  whether  at  his  Majesty's  officers',  or 
in  the  houses  of  the  common  people,  we  heard  the  same  account  of 


132  THE    TAXATION. 

burdensome  taxation,  of  stupid  legislation  by  the  Government.  Not 
a  man — even  of  those  who  received  the  Emperor's  pay — seemed 
contented.  They  declared  that  the  object  of  the  ministry  was  to 
completely  blot  out  the  last  traces  of  the  old  independence  of  Hun- 
gary. All  their  internal  Municipal  Constitution,  so  cheap,  so  effi- 
cient, which  they  had  enjoyed  for  more  than  five  hundred  years, 
was  utterly  destroyed.  They  said  the  pettiest  town  officer  was 
appointed  by  the  Government — and  all  the  higher  officers  were 
either  foreigners  or  such  Hungarians  as  no  one  had  ever  respected. 
Then  every  possible  means  was  used  to  squeeze  money  from  them 
by  taxation.  They  were  taxed  personally ;  taxed  for  their  garden  ; 
taxed  for  their  house;  for  their  wine;  for  their  tobacco.  Every 
deed  drawn  up  must  be  on  taxed  (stamped)  paper.  Their  pass- 
ports were  taxed ;  their  very  'permits  to  raise  taxed  tobacco,  which 
they  themselves  are  not  allowed  to  use,  must  pay  a  duty.  Then, 
said  they,  this  all  comes  at  the  worst  of  times,  when  we  are  stripped 
of  our  property  by  the  war,  and  when  the  peasants,  especially,  have 
lost  millions  by  the  Kossuth  notes,  which  the  Government,  despite 
its  promise,  has  never  yet  redeemed,  at  even  a  part  of  their  value. 

The  result  of  it  was,  in  this  village,  they  all  told  me,  that  every 
man  was  limiting  his  liabilities  in  every  possible  way  to  being 
taxed.  The  amount  of  wine  made  there  the  next  year,  would  be 
the  least  possible  which  they  would  want  for  themselves.  In 
tobacco,  from  which  the  government  had  expected  the  greatest 
revenue,  knowing  the  universal  habit  of  the  people,  the  yield  will 
be  the  smallest  ever  known.  The  law,  in  regard  to  the  tobacco,  is 
so  exacting  and  the  duty  so  heavy  that  it  will  scarcely  repay  any 
fa  -mer  to  sow  the  seed.  In  one  district  around  that  village  they 
sa.d,  where  formerly  were  five  hundred  tobacco  plantations,  there 
are  not  now  five !     They  have  made,  too,  a  patriotic  matter  of  it, 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  133 

and  the  government  will  probably  gain  very  little  revenue  from  that 
duty. 

In  the  rouse  of  our  ride  a  man  joined  us,  who  was  a  farmer  on 
the  outskirts  of  the  town.  lie  spoke  German,  and  I  had  a  long 
conversation  with  him.  Though  a  middle-aged  man  with  a  family, 
in  merely  comfortable  circumstances,  his  great  desire  was,  he  told 
me  privately,  to  get  over  to  America,  and  he  questioned  me  a  great 
deal  about  the  expenses,  and  the  best  situation  for  an  emigrant, 
etc.,  etc.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  I  had  the  curiosity  to 
a«k  him  why  he  had  this  plan  ?  He  was  living  comfortably  here 
and  the  taxes,  though  they  were  burdensome,  would  not  ruin  hint. 
It  would  be  a  hard  thing  for  him  to  begin  life  over  again  in  a  new 
land. 

"  Yes,"  he  said,  "  I  know  it  well — and  it  is  like  cutting  the  heart- 
strings, to  break  away  from  the  old  place  here,  and  from  Hungary. 
But  I  cannot  live  here  a  slave.  It  is  not  Hungary  to  me  if  it  is 
not  free.  As  for  the  taxes,  I  could  bear  them  though  they  are 
heavy.  But  I  cannot  see  why  I,  if  I  am  steady  and  industrious, 
should  pay  the  debts  of  my  neighbor  when  he  is  a  spendthrift.  Of 
course  I  know  that  every  state  must  lay  taxes  to  support  itself,  but 
why  Hungary  should  pay  Austria's  six  hundred  millions  of  debt,  I 
don't  see  !  I  shall  wait  awhile  to  see  if  no  change  comes  here,  and 
then,  if  nothing  occurs,  old  as  I  am,  I  will  leave  the  country.  My 
country  must  be  where  freedom  is." 

We  rode  about  to  the  farms  of  a  great  many  different  persons, 
and  everywhere  at  once,  according  to  the  Hungarian  usage,  the 
white  and  red  wines  were  brought  forth,  with  a  flask  of  mineral 
water,  which  they  all  drink  with  wine.  They  appeared  to  consider  ii 
such  a  violation  of  hospitality  if  one  did  not  drink,  that  at  first  I 
sipped  a  little  at  every  house,  but  finally  declined  altogether,  espc- 


134  SUPPER    WITH    A    BAUER. 

dally  on  the  score  that  Americans  did  not  drink  wine.  At  each 
house,  too,  as  we  went  away  the  people  took  my  hand,  and  wished, 
almost  solemnly,  the  Hungarian  blessing,  "Isten  aldjon  meg  /"  (May 
God  bless  thee). 

At  length,  in  the  evening  we  stopped,  by  the  urgent  invitation  of 
a  Bauer,  at  his  little  house  to  take  supper.  I  was  informed  that 
there  were  three  other  places  where  we  were  engaged  to  take  supper 
beside,  and  that  I  might  as  well  give  myself  up  ;  and,  accordingly 
with  a  sense  of  resignation,  I  followed  the  others  in.  The  table  was 
soon  loaded,  and  though  people  were  continually  coming  in  and 
eating  and  going  out,  it  seemed  to  make  no  difference,  and  dish 
after  dish  of  good  things  were  set  out  before  us.  The  supper  was 
very  much  like  the  other  Hungarian  meals  I  have  described,  though 
of  course,  in  a  peasant's  cabin,  with  fewer  delicacies.  There  were 
soup,  and  Handel  (young  chickens),  and  Strudel  (puddings)  and 
formidable-looking  pyramids  of  cakes,  cut  in  singular  shapes,  and 
roast  mutton  with  salad,  and  veal  cutlets,  with  divers  other  dishes, 
unmentionable  in  English,  or  with  names  which  I  have  forgotten. 
Along  with  them,  too,  the  usual  accompaniments  of  flasks  of  white 
and  red  wine,  and  bottles  of  bad-smelling,  sulphur-water  and  iron- 
water. 

At  the  end,  the  Bauer  and  his  wife  handed  every  person  a  little 
tumbler  with  coffee,  and  cigars  were  passed  around. 

The  talking  was  very  animated  at  table,  and  mostly  of  America, 
and  the  chances  for  the  Hungarians  if  they  should  go  there. 

Several  of  the  company  were  government-officers,  but  the  same 
expressions  were  used  there  winch  one  hears  everywhere,  of  the 
stupidity  and  oppression  of  the  government,  and  that  the  only  hope 
for  them  was  to  emigrate  to  "the  free  land."  At  length  one  of  the 
principal  men   rose  for    a    toast.     He    spoke  in   Hungarian,    with 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  135 

a  rich,  eloquent  tone,  and  they  all  listened  in  the  deepest  silence. 
I  only  understood  it  in  part,  but  as  they  translated  it,  it  was,  that  my 
arrival  in  the-  unhappy  land  seemed  ominous  of  good ;  that  I  was 
one  from  the  nation  who  had  welcomed  the  Hungarian  exiles  in 
their  suffering,  and  had  given  sympathy  to  their  poor  country,  and 
that  he  would  propose  the  health  of  two  of  the  statesmen  of  my 
country,  whom  every  Hungarian  knew,  "  Webster  (or  Vebster  as 
they  call  him),  and  Fillmore  !" 

I  was  surprised  enough  at  hearing  such  a  toast  in  a  little  Hunga- 
rian village,  though  I  found  afterwards  that  very  much  was  known 
indeed  there  of  our  country. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  supper,  in  a  pause  of  the  conversation, 
the  wife  of  our  host,  a  pretty-looking,  nut-brown  peasant  woman, 
came  up  to  me,  and  kissing  my  hand,  with  a  look  that  almost 
tempted  me  to  kiss  her,  said  something  very  sweetly  and  earnestly 
in  Hungarian.  They  translated  it  for  me.  It  was  :  "  When  you 
go  back  to  your  country  over  the  waters,  tell  Kossuth  that  none  of 
us  will  ever  forget  him.  and  say  that  the  Hungarian  peasant-woman 
sent  him  a  God's  blessing,  and  bade  him  come  back  soon,  and  save 
his  Fatherland !" 

It  appeal's  she  believed  Kossuth  was  in  America,  and  it  shows 
one  instance  of  what  I  everywhere  noticed,  the  intense  love  of  the 
peasantry  for  him,  their  benefactor  and  orator.  After  much  lively 
conversation,  we  broke  up,  too  late,  greatly  to  my  relief,  for  the 
three  other  hospitable  tables  which  were  awaiting  us,  and  I  went  to 
my  friend's  for  the  night,  not  a  little  interested  in  these,  my  expe- 
riences of  Hungarian  country  life. 


CHAPTEK   XVII. 

POLITICAL    CONSTITUTION    OF    THE     JAZYGES    AND    CUMANIAN9. 

The  next  morning  as  we  were  at  breakfast,  a  very  old  man  came 
in  just  to  shake  hands  with  me,  and  see  an  American  before  he  died. 
"  Ah  !  you  are  happy,"  said  he,  "  you  are  free  !     But  we — " 

My  friends  kissed  me  affectionately,  on  both  cheeks  as  I  went 
away,  and  wished  me  "  A  good  journey" — "  May  God  protect  thee  !" 
and  I  answered  with  good  wishes  for  Hungary  and  her  future,  at 
which  they  shook  their  heads  half-sadly. 

The  general  feeling  throughout  this  part  of  Hungary  is,  that  this 
state  of  things  must  change,  that  it  is  impossible  for  it  to  endure  ; 
but  how  the  change  is  to  be  effected,  or  when  it  is  to  occur,  no  man 
sees.  They  are  prostrate ;  they  feel  their  degradation ;  but  they 
are  not  hopeless.  They  cannot  believe  that  their  glorious  old  Hun- 
gary is  to  pass  away  from  the  list  of  nations.  No  one,  however, 
supposes  that  a  conspiracy  will  save  it.  The  Hungarians  are  not 
the  people  for  complotting.  They  are  too  open-hearted.  They 
never  could  keep  a  secret  in  the  most  dangerous  times.  But  the 
hope  is,  that  there  will  be  some  terrible  convulsion  in  foreign  lands, 
and  at  once,  while  Austria  is  occupied,  or  herself  weakened  by  revo- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851-  137 

lution,  the  whole  people  will  burst  into  a  terrific  outbreak,  the  more 
terrible,  because  it  must  be  the  last. 

This  country,  through  which  I  was  travelling,  belonged  to  the 
districts  of  the  "  Jazyges  and  Cumanians?  and  as  the  political 
position  of  these  tribes  is  quite  peculiar  in  Hungary,  I  will  step  aside 
from  my  travel  to  give  a  brief  account  of  them. 

They  are  supposed  by  the  best  authorities  to  be  derived  from  a 
tribe  called  Kunen,  one  of  the  earliest  tribes  who  wandered  into 
Hungary  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  from  the  great  plains  of 
Western  Asia.  "We  hear  of  them  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries, 
as  settled  in  the  districts  on  the  Southern  Danube,  now  called  the 
"  Principalities  of  the  Danube."  From  these,  as  tribe  after  tribe 
pressed  in,  they  were  forced  into  the  Hungarian  Plain,  on  the  river 
Temes  and  the  Theiss  ;  and  in  the  eleventh  century,  they  are  found 
occupying  all  the  stretch  of  country  on  both  sides  of  this  latter 

river. 

In  the  year  1239,  King  Bela  IV.  granted  them  various  tracts  on 
the  rivers  Temes,  Maros,  and  Theiss. 

They  were  a  very  warlike  people,  and  were  falling  into  continual 
difficulties  with  the  tribes  around.     At  length,  however,  all  theii 
contests   with    their   kindred   were   ended    by   the    overwhelming 
incursions  of  the  Turks,  which  were  made   so   often  on  Eastern 
Europe,  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries.    The  stream  of 
this  invasion  swept  completely  over  them  ;  their  land  was  occupied  ; 
tluir  cities  destroyed,  and  their  young  men  carried  off'  into  Asia. 
From  this  time,  even   after  the  country  was  recovered  from   the 
Turks,  they  gradually  lost  all  their  privileges,  and  in  the  beginning 
of  the   eighteenth  century,  they  were  sold,  cities  and  men,  to  some 
German   "  Orders  of  Knights."     However,  in  the  middle  of  that 
century,  the  Empress  of  Austria,  with  the  approval  of  the  Hungarian 


138  THE    ADMINISTRATION. 

Parliament,  restored  their  rights  to  them,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of 
those  rights  they  have  remained  up  to  the  Revolution  of  1848  and 
1849,  when  the  Austrian  conquest  swept  away  everything  in  the 
shape  of  right  or  privilege  through  the  laud. 

They  are  said  to  speak  the  Hungarian  (Magyar)  language  more 
purely  than  any  of  the  other  tribes  in  Hungary. 

Their  number  is  reckoned  by  late  writers  at  about  200,000  ;  and 
their  provinces  he  scattered  about  like  islands,  in  the  great  Central 
Plain  of  Hungary,  with  the  names  "  Great  Cumania?  "  Little 
Cumania"  and  "  Jazygien? 

In  religion,  the  "Jazyges"  are  Roman  Catholic,  the  "Great 
Cumanians"  Protestants  of  the  Reformed  Church,  and  those  from 
"  Little  Cumania"  equally  divided  between  these  two  faiths. 

However,  to  then  political  position,  which  is  quite  an  anomaly 
under  the  old  Hungarian  Constitution,  and  which,  beyond  doubt, 
has  formed  the  people  what  they  are — the  most  manly  and  inde- 
pendent peasantry  in  Hungary. 

In  the  first  place,  the  wide  distinction  which  existed  in  other  parts 
of  Hungary  between  noble,  and  citizen,  and  peasant,  is  not  found  at 
all  here.  The  society  of  the  Cumanians  is  a  pure  democracy — every 
man  is  equal  with  another  in  the  eyes  of  the  law. 

The  administration  of  these  Provinces  is  threefold.  First,  con- 
sidering the  Provinces  as  divisions,  corresponding  to  our  "  States," 
there  is  a  "  General  Government"  for  the  three  States  ;  then  a 
separate  State-Government  for  each,  and  beside  this,  one  for  the 
Districts  (or  "  Communities,"  of  which  there  are  twenty-five)  within 
the  States. 

The  government  of  the  whole  is  administered  by  a  "  General 
Assembly,"  composed  of  members  sent  by  each  District,  and  of  cer- 
tain men,  who  are  members  ex-ojftcio.     This  Assembly  chooses  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  139 

Members  of  Parliament,  recalls  them,  and  "gives  them  instructions." 
All  resolves,  affecting  the  common  administration,  are  transmitted 
by  this  body  to  the  General  Officers,  and  the  District  Officers. 

Any  communications  held  with  these  States,  by  other  Provinces, 
or  by  the  courts  or  the  officials  of  Government  in  Hungary,  must  be 
made  through  this  Assembly, 

The  President  of  the  Assembly  is  called  the  "  Upper  Captain," 
and  is  appointed  by  the  Palatine,  (or  Lord  Lieutenant)  of  the 
kingdom. 

Besides  this  officer,  a  few  others  of  the  higher  officers  are  named 
by  the  Palatine,  holding,  however,  only  a  nominal  power. 

All  their  lower  officials — Judges,  Magistrates,  District- Adminis- 
trators, Town-clerks,  &c,  &c,  are  chosen  by  themselves,  in  elections 
held  in  each  district  every  three  years,  and  are  paid  by  themselves. 
In  all  disputes  at  law  they  are  under  no  jurisdiction,  except  that  of 
their  own  courts,  or  in  the  last  instance,  the  decision  of  the 
Palatine. 

It  will  be  seen  from  all  this,  that  they  have  nearly  equal  privi- 
leges with  any  body  of  citizens  in  one  of  our  own  States.  They 
have  their  "  General  Assemblies,"  and  their  "  District-elections" 
and  "  Town-meetings,"  and  the  usual  privileges  of  the  ballot-box  in 
a  free  State — the  only  difference  being  that  the  Palatine  exercised 
some  control  over  them,  in  his  right  to  decide  who  should  be  the 
candidates,  out  of  a  number  proposed  by  the  General  Assembly. 

The  great  anomaly  is,  however,  that  these  Cumanians  and 
Jazyges  have  these  and  many  other  rights  peculiar  to  the  nobility, 
and  yet  that  they  are  not  considered  at  all  as  nobles.  No  Cuma- 
nian,  if  he  were  the  lowest  Boor  of  the  village,  was  ever  obliged  to  -pay 
toll  on  the  bridges.  No  one  could  be  imprisoned  for  debt.  No  one 
could  ever  be  forced  to  Feudal  labor  for  the  landlords.     These  privi- 


140  ANOMALIES. 

leges  were  all  the  privileges  of  the  nobility.  Like  the  nobles,  too, 
they  must,  at  the  summons  of  the  king,  join  the  "  Insurrection" 
as  it  is  called,  that  is,  the  great  feudal  Levy  of  the  kingdom.  A 
great  burden  this,  too,  for  they  were  obliged  to  maintain  their  sol- 
diers in  the  service  of  the  Crown,  at  their  own  expense,  for  a  con- 
siderable time. 

But  in  distinction  from  the  nobility,  they  were  forced  to  pay  a 
regular  "  home-tax,"  to  send  recruits  to  the  army,  and  to  quarter 
the  soldiers  of  the  kingdom  when  it  was  necessary — burdens  from 
which  the  nobles  were,  exempt.     They  paid  too  a  yearly  gratuity  of 

3,000  ducats  to  the  Palatine. 

The  whole  constitution  of  these  provinces  forms  one  of  those 
curious  anomalies  of  which  one  finds  so  many  in  Hungary.  That 
mixture  of  feudalism  and  republicanism,  representative  assemblies 
and  feudal  levies — rulers,  chosen  by  universal  suffrage  among  the 
people  as  in  a  republic,  and  the  people  freed  from  paying  toll,  as 
if  they  belonged  to  a  privileged,  titled  class. 

It  is  this  mingling  which  is  the  excuse  for  some  of  the  worst 
enormities  of  the  old  Constitution.  The  ancient  Feudal  Constitution, 
with  all  its  unjust  exactions  and  oppressive  burdens,  was  the  pledge 
of  many  of  the  freest  privileges  also  to  the  nation.  All  feared 
before  such  an  insidious  enemy  as  Austria — that  if  one  part  waa 
assailed,  the  whole  structure  would  come  down. 


CHAPTEE  XYIII. 

Province  of  the  Haidpcks — April,  1851. 

My  journey  through  Interior  Hungary  again  carried  rue  to  one 
of  these  remote  villages — this  time  in  the  country  of  the  Hai- 
ducks. 

The  person  to  whom  I  was  recommended  was,  as  before,  the  cler- 
gyman of  the  village — and  having  become  quite  hardened  by  Hun- 
garian hospitality  now,  I  rattled  light  into  his  yard  with  my  Vors- 
pann,  and  instantly  set  about  to  seek  him.  He  was  in  the  "  wine 
garden,"  they  said,  and  with  a  little  guide  I  went  out  to  the  garden. 
This  was  some  distance  from  the  town,  for  it  appears  the  people  all 
raise  their  vines  in  one  large,  common  enclosure,  and  save  much 
labor  and  expense  by  putting  them  under  the  charge  of  one  person, 
in  quite  a  socialist  style.  In  the  harvest,  each  comes  out  to  his  own 
plot  and  gathers  his  grapes.  This  is  not,  by  any  means,  the  only 
instance  in  which  the  Hungarians  have  fallen  into  "  socialistic  "  prac- 
tices— without  at  all  knowing  of  what  they  are  guilty. 

This  gentleman,  like  the  other  clergymen  of  whom  I  have  spoken, 
knew  but  little  German,  but  what  with  Latin  and  scraps  of  Hunga- 
rian and  German,  we  understood  one  another  very  well.  A  fine 
specimen  he  was  again  of  the  Hungarian  type — so  well-proportionod, 


142  TALK   WITH    CLERGYMAN. 

and  muscular — despite  his  inactive  pursuits — with  the  characteristic 
jet  black  hair,  though  alas  !  without  the  curling  moustache  and 
flowing  beard  of  the  other  Hungarians,  as  the  Austrian  Government 
has  condescended  to  forbid  the  wearing  those  to  any  clergyman  of 
the  land,  on  account  of  their  "  Revolutionary  character  !" 

Like  every  one  I  met,  he  too  was  full  of  the  sufferings  of  his 
country.  He  could  speak  of  nothing  else.  The  oppression  every- 
where ;  the  attacks  on  their  dear  old  Church ;  the  attempts  to  take 
from  them  their  schools  and  to  Catholicize  their  peasantry  ;  the  un- 
certainty and  lawlessness  throughout ;  the  mournful  spectacle  of 
their  beloved  country  passing  day  by  day  from  the  list  of  States ; 
and  every  right  secured  by  500  years  of  jealous  struggle,  becoming 
the  prey  of  the  conqueror ;  all  this,  even  in  his  broken  German, 
he  spoke  of  with  that  earnest,  eloquent  way,  so  peculiar  to  this 
people. 

He  gave  the  same  account  of  the  attachment  of  the  peasants  in 
that  region  to  Kossuth,  which  I  had  heard  everywhere.  He  said 
he  had  seen  several,  lately,  busy  in  making  some  very  handsomo 
new  sheep-skin  cloaks.  On  asking  why  they  were  all  working  so 
hard,  they  said  "  they  were  getting  ready  to  meet  Kossuth,  who 
would  soon  be  here !"  He  had  known  others  planting  very  early 
so  as  to  be  through  with  everything,  they  said,  in  the  autumn,  and 
"  welcome  Kossuth !" 

The  belief  is  strong  among  the  more  ignorant,  that  he  will  return 
by  supernatural  means.  Many  instances  of  this  he  related  to  me. 
In  fact,  every  day  something  of  this  kind  came  before  me  to  show 
the  wonderful  hold  that  man  has  gained  over  the  hearts  of  this 
people.  It  seems  to  me  there  is  hardly  any  similar  instance  in  his- 
tory. It  is  the  attachment  of  disciples  to  a  Prophet ;  of  the  freed 
bondmen  to  their  Liberator  ;  of  citizens  to  their  purest  patriot.     I 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  143 

doubt  whether  Mohammed,  or  Cromwell,  or  Washington  ever 
gained  greater  influence  over  their  followers. 

As  we  entered  the  house  again,  he  showed  me  an  old,  broken- 
down  servant,  who  would  go  out,  when  the  war  came  into  their 
neighborhood,  despite  all  their  remonstrances,  and  shoulder  a  mus- 
ket for  Hungary.  He  had  fought  steadily  in  one  of  their  battles, 
and  declared  he  was  all  ready  now  to  give  up  his  old  life  again,  when 
the  time  came  ! 

In  truth,  I  was  at  this  time  among  the  most  martial  people  of  all 
Hungary — one  of  the  original  "  stock-Hungarian  tribes,"  as  they  say, 
the  Haiducks.  Some  of  the  finest  corps  of  the  Hungarian  army 
were  raised  among  them  as  volunteers,  serving  entirely  at  their  own 
expense. 

I  could  see  as  I  walked  about  among  them,  that  their  appearance 
fully  bore  out  what  was  said  of  them — vigorous,  manly-looking 
peasants,  who  had  evidently  never  cringed  to  masters,  and  who 
seemed  men  equally  formed  to  love  their  homes,  and  to  defend 
them.  My  friend  said  that  this  village  had  been  occupied  some  time 
by  the  Russians,  and  that  they  had  treated  every  one  there  with  the 
greatest  kindness.  In  fact,  they  had  the  strictest  orders  to  shoot  at 
once  any  of  their  own  soldiers  who  should  do  violence  in  any  way 
to  the  Hungarians.  He  said  he  was  very  much  interested  one 
morning  to  see  an  old  Hungarian  woman  searching  around  every- 
where in  a  large  train  of  Russian  wounded.  They  asked  her,  at 
length,  what  she  wanted  ?  She  said  she  was  looking  for  a  poor  old 
Russian  soldier  who  had  been  quartered  upon  her,  and  who  was  sent 
off  in  this  detachment.  He  was  very  sick  and  without  money,  she 
said,  and  she  wanted  to  provide  him  with  some  little  comforts 
oefore  he  started. 

These  instances  of  kindness  from  tho  Hungarians  to  the  Russians, 


144  FEELING    TOWARDS    RUSSIANS. 

he  assured  me,  had  been  quite  common — and,  in  fact,  the  Russians 
left  Hungary,  it  is  well  known,  with  much  more  friendly  feelings 
towards  the  nation  than  they  entered  it.  The  courtesies  shown  by 
the  Hungarian  officers  to  their  prisoners,  and  the  exceedingly  win- 
ning, polite  manners  of  the  Hungarians,  with  their  bravery  in  the 
field,  had  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  Russians. 

I  may  say  here,  I  was  surprised  throughout  Hungary  at  the  little 
rancor  manifested  towards  their  old  enemies  the  Russians.  There  is 
a  great  deal  of  generosity  in  the  nature  of  the  Hungarians,  and  an 
open,  manly  enemy,  with  whom  they  have  exchanged  hard  blows, 
they  always  respect.  The  Russians  and  Hungarians  met  really  but 
few  times,  but  when  they  did,  it  was  as  brave  foemen,  and  neither 
party  had  anything  to  boast  of  over  the  other.  The  Russians,  too, 
never  showed  that  contemptible  falseness  and  duplicity  which  more 
than  anything  embitters  the  people  against  the  Austrians.  They 
told  me  that  everywhere  the  Russians  expressed  their  surprise  at 
what  they  saw — "  Why,  the  Austrians  always  said  to  us,  we  should 
find  a  set  of  wild,  revolutionary  barbarians,  hating  religion  and 
everything  good  and  lawful !     But  we  do  not  find  it  so  at  all !" 

An  officer  of  the  Hungarians  who  was  taken  prisoner  with  his 
detachment,  near  the  close  of  the  war,  on  the  borders  of  Transylva- 
nia, related  me  an  instance  of  the  dealings  of  the  Russians  towards 
them. 

The  Austrian  officer  had  just  ordered  the  Wallachs  to  burn  the 
village  in  which  they  were  taken,  and  was  about  to  have  the  princi- 
cipal  "  Rebels"  shot  on  the  spot,  when  a  Russian  Colonel  with  his 
suite  rode  by.  The  prisoners  appealed  to  him.  He  at  once  gave 
orders  that  the  Hungarian  officers  should  be  released  and  placed  in 
good  quarters  in  the  Russian  camp,  and  commanded  the  Wallachs 


HUNGARY   IN    1851.  145 

who  were  burning  the  village,  to  be  scourged  through  the  Russian 
regiment. 

I  have  little  doubt,  if  the  choice  could  be  left  Hungary  now,  she 
would  prefer  to  be  Cossack  rather  than  Austrian. 

Since  leaving  Hungary,  I  have  learned  through  a  gentleman  who  h.-s 
travelled  much  in  Russian  Poland,  that  the  whole  army  of  the  Czar 
left  the  Hungarian  provinces,  very  considerably  tinged  with  the  liberal 
opinions  prevalent  in  Hungary.  What  a  singular  retribution,  if  the 
crushing  of  Hungary  should  work  out  the  gradual  weakening  of  the 
mighty  Despotism  through  which  it  was  executed  !  History  shows 
workings  of  Providence  in  the  past  equally  wonderful. 

In  the  course  of  our  conversation,  the  clergyman  said  to  me — "  On 
the  sofa  where  you  are  sitting,  there  was  a  Russian  officer,  a  Colonel, 
one  night  in  1849.  He  had  been  quartered  upon  me,  and  we  had 
a  great  deal  of  conversation  together.  That  evening  he  had  been 
saying  a  great  deal  against  Kossuth,  to  which  I  made  no  reply,  and 
at  last  he  called  him  "  a  rascal  (Spitzbube)  and  a  deceiver  of  the 
people."  I  could  bear  it  no  longer,  and  stood  up  and  said,  "  Sir, 
before  you  abuse  a  man  like  Kossuth,  you  should  know  more  about 
him  !"  And  I  went  on  and  told  him  his  history ;  his  years  in  an 
Austrian  prison,  his  labors  without  any  reward  to  make  the  people 
freer  and  better  ;  how  much  he  had  suffered  and  how  much  he  had 
done  for  us ;  how  kind  and  merciful  he  was ;  how  no  man,  through 
all  his  political  life,  could  find  a  shade  of  dishonor  or  meanness  in 
him  ;  how  wonderful  his  eloquence  was  !" 

I  spoke  very  warmly,  and  I  remember  now  I  noticed  the  clock- 
pointer  had  gone  around  some  half  an  hour,  when  I  finished.  The 
officer  did  not  say  a  word  through  it  all,  but  when  I  was  through, 
he  stood  up,  took  my  hand,  and  said  "  Bardtom  (my  friend),  I 
will  never  speak  a  word  against  Kossuth  again." 


146  HAYNAU. 

I  find,  by  the  way,  as  an  instance  of  the  Hungarian  generosity, 
that  Haynau  has  been  here  recently,  travelling  through  this  whole- 
region,  with  no  attendant  except  a  single  adjutant.  They  all  say, 
he  would  be  perfectly  safe  in  every  part  of  the  country. 

The  feeling  toward  him  is  of  pity  and  thorough  contempt.  He 
is  crazy  in  the  morning,  they  say,  and  drunk  in  the  afternoon — and 
would  gladly  forget  his  crimes  in  death,  if  that  were  sure  to  wipe 
out  the  memory  of  them.  In  the  night,  it  is  said,  he  sometimes 
raves  and  mutters  fearfully  of  Bathyanyi  and  the  noble  victims  he 
has  murdered.  It  perhaps  adds  to  the  pity  towards  him,  that  just 
now  he  is  in  disgrace  eveiy  where.  The  Court  after  they  had  finished 
the  use  of  him,  threw  him  aside  as  a  dirty  tool.  Possibly  even  they 
could  not  stand  up  against  the  howl  of  execration  which  arose  from 
every  country  of  Europe  against  his  brutality  and  cruelty. 

He  always  speaks  of  his  beating  in  the  London  Brewery, 
with  a  laugh,  whenever  it  is  alluded  to — and  attributes  it  to  the 
exiled  "  democrats"  from  Germany  and  Hungary.  Every  one  knows, 
however,  that  he  smarts  yet  under  that  tremendous  chastisement, 
and  will  as  long  as  the  "  Brewers  of  Bank  Side"  are  remembered. 

His  object  in  this  journey  which  he  is  making  now  in  Hungary 
is  to  purchase  a  farm. 

He  says  openly,  "  he  will  make  himself  a  Hungarian  !"  As  I 
hear,  he  will  probably  buy  one  of  the  large  confiscated  estates  on 
the  Upper  Theiss,  now  for  sale  very  cheap — for  100,000  Gulden, 
($50,000)  where  they  were  once  worth  400,000. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  Haiducks. 

April,  1851. 

The  next  morning  after  this  conversation  with  the  clergyman,  T 
rose  quite  early  and  went  out  in  the  village.  The  streets  were  full 
of  the  women  with  their  bright  handkerchiefs  over  their  heads,  and 
the  tall  Bauer  in  their  sheep-skins.  It  was  a  market  day  apparent!}'. 
In  walking  around,  I  came  near  the  church,  and  hearing  singing, 
went  in.  "What  was  my  surprise  to  find  the  whole  church  full  of 
people  at  this  early  hour,  all  peasants,  and  a  most  impressive-looking 
audience.  There  were  few  young  men  there,  but  great  numbers  of 
tall,  dignified  peasants,  with  long  gray  hair  almost  reaching  to  their 
shoulders.  It  seemed  like  an  assembly  of  the  patriarchs  of  the 
nation.  The  women  occupied  another  part  of  the  church  in  great 
numbers,  both  old  and  young. 

Tbey  were  only  singing,  but  there  was  an  earnestness  and  heart 
in  it  which  exceedingly  affected  me,  though  the  air  was  carried  on 
from  one  verse  to  another  by  a  long-continued,  shrill  quaver,  which, 
under  any  other  circumstances,  would  have  been  somewhat  comical. 
But  the  early  hour,  the  reverent,  absorbed  manner  of  the  people, 
the  absence  of  all  the  ceremonial  and  form  which  might  attract  a 

o 


148  CHURCH-SERVICE. 

merely  sensual  worship,  made  the  whole  service  very  impressive 
indeed. 

I  heard  afterwards  from  the  clergyman,  that  this  is  always  their 
custom  on  market  days,  and  sometimes  on  every  day  of  the  week. 
There  is  no  command  of  the  Church  for  it ;  the  clergyman  is  not 
present,  and  it  is  entirely  voluntary. 

I  have  always  regarded  it  as  beautiful  feature  in  the  Catholic 
system,  that  the  churches  have  these  early  public  services  for  the 
laboring  people.  And  certainly  there  are  few  things  more  calculated 
to  give  the  stranger  an  impression  of  sincerity  at  least,  in  worship, 
than  the  sight  of  common  working-men,  in  the  early  morning, 
kneeling  on  the  stone  floor  before  the  altar,  as  one  sees  it  every  day 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  churches. 

But  this  morning-service  among  these  Protestants  here  was  even 
more  freed  from  the  influence  otform,  and  therefore  more  solemn  in 
its  appearance. 

The  religious  character  of 'the  Hungarian  race  is  exceeding  beau- 
tiful and  striking.  I  hardly  know  how  to  describe  it.  The  nation 
— though  remarkably  quick-witted  and  intelligent — is  not  at  all  a 
metaphysical  people.  They  have  no  taste  for  abstract  speculation, 
and  seem  to  resemble  the  English  much  more  than  the  Germans  in 
their  practical  tendency.  As  a  consequence,  perhaps,  there  has  never 
been,  through  then  history,  any  sceptical  philosophy  rife  in  the  land. 
French  infidelity  or  German  rationalism  have  never  found  foot-hold 
there.  One  must  allow  that,  as  a  general  thing  in  the  world,  the 
people  who  never  doubt,  are  those  who  are  the  most  bigoted.  But 
this  does  not  appear  to  be  the  fact  among  the  Hungarians.  The 
members  of  the  different  sects  have  lived  with  each  other  in  wonder- 
ful amity.  Lutheran  and  Calvinist,  Catholic  and  Protestant,  Jew 
and  Christian,  have  shown  one  another  greater  charity  and  kindness 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  149 

than  has  perhaps  ever  heen  kuown,  in  the  relations  of  sects  in  any 
land.  Yet  is  the  religions  sentiment  of  the  Hungarian  singularly 
deep  and  real.  He  believes  in  the  One  God,  with  the  directness 
and  reverence  which  the  early  Jewish  shepherds  must  have  felt. 

There  is  scarcely  a  cottage  among  the  Protestants  in  the  land 
without  its  Bible, — well  read,  too.  All  religious  exercises  and  meet- 
ings are  very  carefully  observed  by  the  population.  But  especially 
is  this  tendency  seen  in  the  popular  poetry  and  language.  The 
"  God  of  the  Hungarians  "  is  appealed  to,  as  the  Israelites  might 
have  prayed  to  Jehovah — "  their  God,"  the  protector  of  the  nation, 
the  Father  of  each  individual.  And  for  one,  I  must  consider  the 
high  morality  and  truthfulness  of  the  race  as  very  much  the  result 
of  this  sentiment.  In  nothing  did  Kossuth  show  his  knowledge  of 
his  countrymen  better,  than  in  his  constant  appeals  in  his  oratory  to 
their  religious  nature.  Himself  with  a  nature  deeply  religious 
some  of  his  exclamations  and  addresses  to  "  the  God  of  their  coun 
try  "  are  among  the  most  solemn  recorded  in  oratory.  His  unvary 
ing  expression,  and  probably  feeling,  was,  that  "  God  would  neve« 
abandon  their  cause."  It  is  a  curious  commentary  on  all  this,  thai 
when  the  Hungarian  cause  was  finally  ruined,  many  of  the  churches 
in  various  parts  of  the  land,  which  were  well  filled  during  the  most 
exciting  periods  of  the  war,  were  utterly  deserted.  The  peasants 
could  not  believe  in  a  God — could  not  worship  him,  if  he  should 
allow  the  Austrian  thus  to  conquer. 

One  of  my  friends  told  me  that  he  knew  a  parish  near  De- 
breczin,  where,  the  next  Sunday  after  the  surrender  at  Vilagos, 
the  church  was  entirely  closed,  and  the  minister  remained  at 
home.  His  parishioners  asked  him  why  this  was.  He  said, 
"  there  could  be  no  God  if  such  things  as  this  were  allowed  to 
happen  I" 


150  MISSIONARIES. 

However,  after  a  few  months  this  feeling  passed  away  among 
the  people,  and  it  is  a  touching  and  beautiful  fact  that  more 
]  >ibles  have  been  sold  within  these  last  two  years,  since  the  Revolu- 
tion in  Hungary,  than  for  any  time  during  the  last  twenty  years, 
when,  too,  as  is  the  case  now,  the  mass  of  the  people  are  almost 
beggared  by  the  losses  of  the  revolution,  and  by  Austrian  extortion. 
This  was  stated  to  me  by  the  presiding  members  of  the  Scottish 
Bible  Society  in  Pesth,  as  a  fact  which  had  come  under  their  obser- 
vation. 

Both  in  this  village  and  wherever  I  travelled  in  Hungary,  I  was 
very  gla'd  to  hear  such  good  accounts  of  the  influence  of  this  So- 
ciety and  of  the  Scottish  mission  upon  the  nation.  As  the  existence 
even  of  this  mission  is  scarcely  known  in  America,  it  may  be  of 
interest  to  say  a  few  words  in  regard  to  it. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  some  ten  or  fifteen  years  ago,  the 
Presbyterian  Church  of  Scotland  sent  out  a  deputation  of  clergy- 
men to  the  Holy  Land,  to  see  what  could  yet  be  done  for  the  Jews. 
One  of  this  party  was  the  Mr.  McCheyne  whose  religious  memoirs 
have  been  so  widely  read  in  our  country.  In  returning  from  Jeru- 
salem a  part  of  the  deputation  came  up  the  Danube  from  Constan- 
tinople. One  of  them,  Dr.  Black,  was  taken  very  sick  in  Pesth, 
and  lay  there  for  many  weeks  unable  to  proceed  farther.  While  in 
this  condition,  and  of  course  somewhat  neglected  and  solitary,  he 
was  visited — by  mere  accident,  by  the  Archduchess  of  Hungary,  a 
lady  of  a  remarkably  lovely  Christian  character.  She  took  at  once 
a  great  interest  in  him,  tended  him  in  his  sickness,  and  furnished 
him  with  all  the  information  he  was  desiring,  about  the  condition  of 
the  Jews  in  Hungary,  and  promised  every  assistance  in  the  forming 
of  a  mission.  He  returned  to  Scotland,  deeply  anxious  to  estab- 
lish a  mission  in  Pesth.     This  was  at  length  effected,  and  there  are 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  151 

now  two  clergymen  of  uncommon  intelligence  and  talents,  and  of 
pleasing  manners,  stationed  there,  especially  to  work  for  the  conver- 
sion of  the  Jews. 

Then-  labors  have  not  been  at  all  in  vain.  The  Jews  of  Hungary 
are  a  very  much  superior  race  to  the  Jews  of  other  parts  of  Europe 
Persecution  has  not  degraded  them. 

If  I  am  not  mistaken,  the  engaging  of  the  Jews  in  the  late  Hun- 
garian Revolution  is  almost  the  first  instance  in  modern  history  of 
the  Jews  taking  any  active  part  in  the  wars  of  the  country,  in  which 
they  reside.  There  is  much  less  dislike  too,  among  them,  of  Chris- 
tians ;  so  that  in  general  the  missionaries  found  a  good  soil  to  work 
in.  The  results  have  been  very  happy.  Numbers  of  the  most 
remarkable  changes  of  character  have  taken  place,  and  mnny 
conversions  to  nominal  Christianity,  besides  a  general  uneasiness 
aroused  among  the  Jewish  merchants,  as  to  whether  their  mode 
of  doing  business,  and  their  lives  generally,  were  in  consistency  with 
their  own  code  even.  Besides  this,  these  missionaries  have  now 
nearly  300  colporteurs — converted  Jews,  who  distribute  Bibles 
through  the  land.  They  opened  too,  early,  an  English  service  for 
the  workmen  on  the  suspension  bridge  at  Pesth,  and  after  that 
added  almost  imperceptibly  a  German  service,  so  that  step  by  step, 
acting  with  great  caution  and  judgment,  they  have  acquired  a  very 
considerable  influence  in  Hungary.  Perhaps  the  best  part  of  then- 
work,  though  the  least  able  to  be  put  in  statistics,  is  their  influence 
over  the  Protestant  clergymen  of  Hungary.  Coming  from  that 
practical,  earnest,  religious  people,  imbued  in  many  respects  with 
the  purest  Christian  spirit  of  their  church,  they  have  had  a  remark- 
able effect  on  their  brethren  in  Hungary — one  which,  I  am  per- 
suaded, will  not  be  soon  lost  in  that  country.  The  great  wonder  is, 
that  they  have  been  allowed  so  long  to  labor  there,  in  the  heart  of 


K-2  HAI.DUCKS. 

the  Austrian  Empire.  Probably  one  great  cause  of  their  safety 
under  a  Jesuit  ministry  has  been  the  protection  of  the  Archduchess. 
I  half  expect,  however,  constantly,  to  hear  of  the  abolishing  of  the 
mission  by  the  Austrian  government.* 


* 


The  political  position  again  of  these  Haiducks  is  peculiar,  and 
has  perhaps  aided  in  forming  their  singularly  independent  and  war- 
like character. 

A  brief  account  of  it  and  of  their  early  history  may,  perhaps,  not 
be  without  value. 

The  first  we  hear  of  the  Haiducks,  shows  us,  that  like  the  other 
Magyars,  they  were  a  Nomadic  tribe,  which  had  emigrated  into 
Hungary  from  Asia.  At  the  great  battle  of  Mohacs,  in  which  the 
Turks  so  terribly  defeated  the  Hungarians,  this  tribe  was  dispersed, 
and  became  after  that  best  known  as  free-booters,  or  paid  soldiers 
under  the  princes  of  Hungary.  They  appear  to  have  been  em- 
ployed both  as  soldiers  in  the  regular  army,  and  to  man  the  gar- 
risons on  the  frontier.  At  length,  in  1605,  a  body  of  10,000 
enlisted  under  the  Prince  of  Siebenburgen, — Stephen  Botskay — 
and  doing  him  good  service,  they  were  rewarded  with  their  present 
provinces  on  the  Upper  Theiss,  near  Tokay — and  with  certain  espe- 
cial privileges.  In  1606,  another  corps  received  similar  bounties  in 
this  district.     Their  privileges  were  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  Par- 

*  The  news  has  just  reached  me,  (Feb.  1852,)  that  these  unoffending,  self- 
denying  men  have  been  suddenly  banished  by  the  Austrian  Government  from 
the  Empire,  and  that  not  even  the  common  courtesies  and  comforts  were 
permitted  them.  With  delicate  wives  and  sick  children,  they  have  been 
forced  to  make  a  sudden  journey  in  mid- winter  through  the  whole  of  Austria. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  153 

liament,  and  the)-  have  remained  since  in  the  same  Province,  and 
possessing  the  same  rights,  which  were  then  given. 

As  the  Cumanian,  so  every  Haiduck  is  equal  to  another  in  the 
sisrht  of  the  law.  There  is  no  distinction  of  class.  No  Haiduck  can 
be  imprisoned  for  debt,  or  made  to  pay  toll  on  a  bridge,  or  to  con- 
tribute to  any  of  the  usual  taxes. 

He  is  subject  to  no  courts,  but  those  of  his  own  Province  and 
then  has  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  (Hofgericht)  of 
the  Kingdom. 

All  the  judges,  aldermen  and  Governors  of  the  Haiducks  are 
chosen  by  themselves,  with  general  ballot. 

The  Government  of  the  Province  is  administered  by  the  "  General 
Assembly,"  whose  members  are  chosen  by  a  ballot,  in  which  the 
lowest  peasant  has  a  share. 

This  Assembly,  as  before  with  the  Cumanians,  elects  the  Mem- 
bers of  Parliament,  recalls  them,  and  gives  them  instructions — (for 
which  "  Democratic"  doctrine  the  Hungarians  have  always  had  a 
strong  attachment).  This  body  beside,  chooses  the  Governor  (  Ober 
Capitain)  of  the  Province — communicates  with  the  Royal  or 
National  officials,  respecting  the  concerns  of  the  various  Haiduck 
cities,  and  provides  for  the  general  administration  of  the  country. 

In  addition  to  these  powers,  it  has  one  very  peculiar  right,  the 
"  right  of  opposition" — [jus  opponendi) — or  that  of  vetoing  any  act 
either  of  the  Austrian  Government,  or  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament 
with  reference  to  them,  which  it  deems  against  their  interests 

The  Governor  of  this  Province  had  once  the  right  of  inflicting 
summary  capital  punishment  in  certain  cases — and  even  of  late 
years,  was  invested  with  much  power. 

Besides  the  individual  privileges,  mentioned  above,  the  Haiduck 
can  entail  his  property;  and.  reclaim,  at  whatever  distance  of  time, 
7* 


154  THEIR    BRAVERY. 

his  pawned  or  sold  ancestral  estate.  The  time,  during  which,  with 
them  as  with  the  other  Hungarians,  an  entailed  estate  can  be 
pawned,  being  thirty-two  years. 

For  all  these  extraordinary  privileges,  the  only  return  they  were 
bound  to  make  to  the  State,  was  the  payment  of  the  especial  war- 
taxes,  and  the  furnishing  a  certain  number  of  soldiers,  at  the  sum- 
mons of  the  King. 

Here  ao-ain,  as  with  the  Cumanians,  will  be  observed  the  same 
singular  mingling  of  Feudalism  and  Republicanism.  Representative 
privileges  and  even  aristocratic  rights  given  in  return  for  military 
services. 

The  effect  of  the  system  on  the  Haiducks  has  been  favorable. 
They  are  a  most  brave,  intelligent,  free-hearted  peasantry,  long 
accustomed  to  govern  themselves — and  the  Hungarian  cause  found 
no  more  devoted  adherents  in  1848,  than  among  them.  They 
furnished  the  best  hussars  of  the  army — as  well  as  those  cattle- 
drivers,  whose  terrible  exploits  with  their  whips  and  loaded  lashes, 
were  so  widely  related  through  Europe. 

The  Haiducks  told  me  many  fearful  stories  of  these  fellows. 
They  said  they  were  in  the  habit  of  killing  their  hogs  or  cattle  with 
these  whips, — the  lash  being  very  long  and  furnished  with  a  lead 
ball — and  that  they  often  struck  down  an  Austrian  soldier  fifteen 
feet  off,  with  unerring  effect. 

They  became  soon  the  most  redoubtable  soldiers  in  the  Hunga- 
rian ranks,  However,  despite  their  accounts  of  the  effects  of  these 
and  similar  weapons,  it  need  hardly  be  said,  that  the  most  terrible 
weapon  in  modern  warfare — and  in  fact  in  like  forms  in  the  warfare 
of  all  ages — is  the  simple,  smooth,  sharp  bayonet. 

The  population  of  the  Haiducks  is  estimated  at  about  60,000 — 
and  they  occupy  some  half-dozen  cities. 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  153 

At  the  risk  of  presenting  too  much  of  dry  detail,  T  stall  leave  the 
narrative  of  my  journey  again,  to  give,  in  the  two  following  chapters, 
a  brief  description  of  the  "  Serfdom"  of  Hungary.  This  is  the  more 
important,  as  but  little  is  known  of  the  old  legal  position  of  the 
Hungarian  peasantry  in  foreign  lands ;  and  beside,  the  present  con- 
dition of  the  country  cannot  be  at  all  understood,  without  some 
knowledge  of  this  subject. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

The  Hungarian   Bauer. 

In  considering  any  part  of  the  old  political  Constitution  of  Hun- 
gary, we  are  to  bear  in  mind,  always,  several  very  important  facts. 

The  position  of  Hungary  for  many  centuries  has  had  something 
in  it  entirely  peculiar,  bearing  scarcely  any  analogy  to  that  of  any 
country  in  Europe.  The  nation  was  under  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment, yet  preserved  an  independent  Constitution.  She  acknow- 
ledged the  Austrian  emperor  as  "  King  of  Hungary,"  but  held  on 
to  distinct,  separate  rights,  which  had  come  down  from  her  indepen- 
dence. It  is  as  if  Mexico  should  voluntarily  unite  herself  with  the 
United  States,  still  retaining,  not  only  her  rights,  as  one  State  of 
the  Union,  but  many  other  privileges  which  had  belonged  to  her 
as  an  independent  power.  We  could  lay  our  tariff  of  duties,  our 
commercial  laws,  over  her  ports  and  borders ;  we  could  raise  militia 
from  her  people  ;  her  enemies  should  be  our  enemies,  and  her  forces 
must  take  part  against  any  attack  on  the  Union.  But  farther  than 
this  we  were  not  to  go.  We  must  lay  no  taxes  without  the  consent 
of  her  legislature ;  our  postal  system,  our  criminal  law,  and  the 
jurisdiction  of  our  courts  is  not  to  extend  over  her  territory  ;  and 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  157 


any  great  measure  affecting  the  country,  must  first  be  presented  to 
her  legislature,  before  it  could  be  effective  ;  and  last  of  all,  our  Pre- 
sident, to  be  the  legal  President  of  Mexico,  must  bo  inaugurated 
again  there. 

Such  a  union  would  be,  in  its  principal  features,  a  copy  of  the 
union  which  has  existed  for  many  centuries  between  Austria  and 
Hungaiy.  Not  exactly  the  union  of  one  State  of  a  confederacy  to 
the  whole  body  ;  nor,  in  all  respects,  the  alliance  of  two  equal,  inde- 
pendent powers,  but  a  connection  of  two  countries,  peculiar  and 
original  in  itself,  leaving  each  side  many  rights  towards  the  other ; 
and,  unfortunately,  adapted  from  its  nature,  to  sow  interminable 
contests  and  jealousies. 

Hungary  entered  on  this  union  with  Austria  with  her  old  Feudal 
Constitution  still  standing,  begirding  like  some  old  baronial  castle, 
with  its  antique  defences,  many  a  more  modern  improvement.  The 
feudal  provisions  were  formed  in  a  day  when  Feudalism  was  the 
order  of  society,  and  were  even  at  first  freer  and  better  than  those 
of  most  governments  in  Europe.  Gradually,  however,  in  most  parts 
of  the  continent,  the  kings  won  arbitrary  power  by  abolishing  the 
restrictions  of  feudalism,  so  that  in  France,  for  instance,  there  finally 
existed  almost  alone,  two  classes  in  the  state,  the  King  and  the  Peo- 
ple, the  intervening  class  of  feudal  Nobility  having  been  nearly 
destroyed  by  attacks  from  the  throne.  So  it  happened  that  many 
a  State  groaned  under  a  completely  absolute  government,  where  the 
people  were  entirely  free  from  feudal  service.  In  other  words,  in 
most  countries  of  Europe,  the  kings  were  tyrants,  but  there  were  no 
legal  serfs.  There  was  no  freedom  toward  the  chief  master,  but 
there  was  no  forced  work  towards  petty  masters.  The  exception  to 
this,  however,  was  Hungary.  She  entered  the  union,  as  I  have 
Bad,  with  this  old  Feudal  Constitution.     Within  that  Constitution 


158  FEUDALISM. 

were  provisions,  in  the  freedom  of  their  character,  and  in  their  fit- 
ness for  training  the  people  politically,  far  beyond  those  of  any 
Constitution  of  the  age.  She  was  united  with  an  absolute,  or  at 
least  a  despotically  inclined  power.  The  only  mode  in  which  she 
could  preserve  the  free  institutions  she  possessed,  and  her  old  politi- 
cal privileges,  was  by  holding  the  Constitution  entire.  On  every  new 
attack  of  Austria,  the  Constitution,  with  all  its  faults,  became  identi- 
fied with  her  freedom,  with  Hungarian  rights.  So  a  different 
result  sprung  up  in  Hungary  from  what  was  known  in  any  other 
country.  Feudalism  was  the  defence  of  liberty,  and  the  two  strug- 
gling classes  became  an  arbitrary  King  on  the  one  side  and  a 
democratic  feudal  Nobility  on  the  other.  The  contrast  sounds 
strange,  but  such  was  the  anomaly  which  existed  in  Hungary.  A 
nation,  holding  in  its  midst  the  serfdom  of  the  middle  ages,  and  at 
the  same  time,  training  its  population  to  a  constitutional  liberty, 
such  as  no  race,  except  the  Anglo-Saxons,  has  ever  enjoyed. 

I  am  not,  in  these  preliminary  remarks  utterly  excusing  the  serf- 
dom, which  until  1848  existed  in  Hungary.  It  was — and  every 
candid  man  must  so  consider  it — the  greatest  stain  in  the  old  Con- 
stitution of  that  country.  Even  if,  as  I  know  often  to  be  the  fact, 
worse  on  paper,  in  written  laws,  than  in  practice,  it  still  would  dis- 
grace the  statute-book  of  any  nation.  And  the  bitter  results  of  it 
were  but  too  sorely  felt  during  the  last  war,  in  some  portions  of 
Hungary,  where  the  peasants  were  stimulated  by  the  Austrians  to 
remember,  not  their  recent  freedom,  but  their  years  of  oppression, 
and  to  revenge  it  in  the  most  atrocious  acts.  Still  I  repeat,  the 
candid  investigator  of  these  facts  should  consider  the  excuses  for 
such  a  system,  and  make  the  fair  allowances  which  we  would  havt 
foreign  inquirers  into  our  polity  show  towards  similar  defects  in  oui 
own  institutions. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  15ft 

In  regard  to  the  number  of  the  Bauer  or  peasants  in  Hungary 
who  either  owned  or  occupied  houses  and  farms,  and  who  were 
accordingly  liable  to  the  greatest  burdens,  we  may  state  it  at 
about  1,600,000.  The  "conscription's  list"  for  1805,  quoted  by 
Fenyes  and  Sch'utte,  gives  643,215  peasants  who  own  land  (or 
Rustici,  as  the  term  is),  and  783,364  who  merely  have  a  house 
and  garden,  or  who  occupy  a  house  with  others  {Inquilini  and 
Subinquilini,  i.  e.,  cottagers  and  lodgers).  The  increase  may  have 
been  somewhat  more  than  the  result  stated  above,  but  probably  not, 
as  very  many  peasants  have  since  then  bought  their  own  freedom 
from  feudal  service.  The  usual  estate  which  constitutes  a  peasant  a 
"  full  landholder"  (ganzer  Bauer)  and  makes  him  subject  to  the 
full  amount  of  feudal  labor,  is,  on  the  average,  twenty-two  Joch,  or 
about  thirty-one  acres.  This  is  called  a  Sessio,  and  varies  in  size  in 
different  Comitate,  and  even  in  different  kinds  of  soils,  reaching  in 
some  even  forty  Joch,  or  fifty-six  acres.  The  smallest  is  about 
twenty -two  and  a  half  acres.  According  to  the  part  which 
a  peasant  may  own  of  a  full  estate,  he  is  called  "  a  half,"  or 
"  a  quarter,"  or  "  an  eighth  of  a  landholder."  There  is  only  one 
Comitat  or  large  district,  where  every  peasant  within  it  possesses 
more  than  a  full  estate  of  thirty-one  acres — the  "  Wieselburger" 

As  a  kind  of  feudal  rent  for  his  estate,  the  "  full  landholder" 
must  labor  for  the  noble  who  is  supposed  in  law,  originally,  to  have 
owned  the  estate,  one  hundred  and  four  days  with  hard  labor,  or 
fifty-two  days  with  oxen  during  the  year.  Every  peasant  occupying 
only  a  house  and  garden,  must  labor  for  his  landlord  eighteen  days 
in  the  year,  and  if  he  be  occupying  them  with  others,  twelve  days. 
Every  "estate"  was  formerly  obliged,  too,  to  send  out  one  person  in 
the  year  for  a  three  days'  hunt  for  the  landlord,  who,  however,  fur- 
nished all  the  material.     This  was  all  the  labor  to  which  the   p«a- 


160  TAXES. 

sant  was  bound  by  law  to  his  landlord — two  days  every  week  for  a 
farm  of  thirty-one  acres.  He  was  obliged,  it  is  true,  also  to  build 
and  repair  bridges  everywhere  on  the  property  of  his  feudal  master  ; 
and  to  furnish  a  Vorspann — a  wagon  with  two  or  more  horses — to 
the  soldiers,  or  to  any  traveller  who  might  demand  it  of  the  judge 
of  the  village.  But  both  these  tasks  were  generally  reckoned  out 
of  his  days  of  work ;  and  for  the  Vorspann  he  received  also  about 
fifty-three  cents  for  every  five  miles,  which  was  to  be  paid  to  the 
judge  and  written  down  in  lieu  of  taxes  due  from  him.  This 
feudal  labor  of  so  many  days  in  the  year,  goes  by  the  name  of  Robot. 

The  obligation  to  furnish  the  Vorspann,  abolished  by  the  Hun- 
garian Government,  is  still  maintained  by  the  Austrian,  after  the 
peasants  aie  freed,  as  I  had  abundant  opportunity  to  observe. 

The  greatest  burdens,  however,  on  the  peasant,  were  perhaps  the 
taxes.  He  was  obliged  in  the  first  place  to  pay  a  ninth  of  all  the 
principal  products  of  his  fields,  of  his  wheat,  his  corn,  his  wine,  and 
tobacco — his  hay  and  the  products  of  his  garden  alone  excepted — to 
the  nobleman.  If  he  owned  a  house  too,  whether  "  full  landholder" 
>r  not,  he  must  pay  a  tax  on  this  also,  of  40  cents  a  year.  Besides 
these  taxes,  all  the  public  taxes,  from  which  the  nobleman  was 
freed,  came  upon  him.  The  " domestic  tax"  that  by  which  the 
various  officers  of  the  Comitat  were  in  part  paid,  and  by  which  the 
expenses  of  the  Parliament  (Reichstag)  were  to  some  extent  de- 
frayed, was  assessed  upon  him,  according  to  his  property.  The 
war-tax,  too,  for  a  certain  proportion  of  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
fell  upon  him,  though  the  greatest  war-tax,  in  the  form  of  the 
"  Feudal  levy  "  ("  the  Insurrection  ")  was  borne  by  the  nobleman. 

The  peasants  also  were  forced  to  quarter  the  soldiery  when 
necessary,  and  to  furnish  recruits  as  they  were  demanded.  A  tax 
too  existed  in  former  times,  of  a  tithe  to  the  Catholic  church. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  161 

Such  exactions  as  these,  no  one  can  deny,  were  exceedingly 
grievous.  Yet,  in  respect  to  the  public  imposts,  they  were  much 
lessened  by  the  remarkable  economy  of  the  Hungarian  Government, 
inasmuch  as  most  of  the  noblemen  taking  part  in  it  paid  their  own 
expenses,  even  when  members  of  the  Parliament  itself;  and  they 
were  still  more  diminished  by  the  fact  that  no  standing  army  was 
ever  supported  in  Hungary ;  so  that  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
these  exactions,  oppressive  as  they  were,  upon  the  peasantry,  wrere 
ever  materially  heavier  than  those,  which  press  upon  the  free  pea- 
santry of  England  now.  And  they  certainly  were  never  so  debasing 
or  so  annoying  as  those  fastened  upon  the  Hungarian  peasantry  at 
this  very  time,  by  the  paternal  Austrian  government.  The  injustice 
was,  in  laying  them  thus  on  one  class,  and  in  placing  one  body  of 
men  so  much  in  the  power  of  another,  who  must  naturally  be 
influenced  by  the  worst  of  motives  in  their  dealings  with  them. 

But  the  counteracting  influence  to  this,  and  in  fact  the  redeeming 
feature  in  the  whole  system,  was  in  the  liberty  allowed  the  peasants 
of  carrying  all  cases  of  injustice  suffered  to  the  courts  of  law,  the 
expenses  of  which  the  landlord  was  always  obliged  to  pay.  In 
contests  among  themselves,  the  nobleman,  as  country  magistrate, 
was  always  the  judge.  But  when  a  difficulty  occurred  between 
peasant  and  landlord,  the  case  under  many  circumstances  must  be 
brought  before  some  other  magistrate.  And  as  Hungary  is  even 
more  remarkable  than  "the  United  States  for  the  number  of  its  law- 
yers, there  were  always  enough  of  these  to  take  up  the  cause  of  the 
Bauer.  And  if  by  chance  they  were  not  present,  the  Amtsjiscal,  a 
kind  of  "State's  counsel"  for  the  peasant,  was  obliged  to  plead  for 
him.  Then,  if  farther  it  be  remembered  that  they  all  had  in  certain 
cases  the  right  to  appeal  to  the  Court  of  the  Comilat,  and  even 
farther,  to  the  highest  courts  of  the  kingdom,  it  will  be  seen   that 


162  PRIVILEGES. 

the  Bauer,  if  not  absolutely,  was  at  least,  well  guarded  against 
injustice.  The  lawyers,  too,  had  a  professional  pride  in  defending 
him ;  and  the  incessant  law-cases  before  the  internal  courts  of  Hun- 
gary, show  how  much  judicial  decisions  were  appealed  to.  In  fact, 
I  have  often  thought  that  the  remarkable  shrewdness  on  various 
points  of  law  manifested  by  all  classes  in  Hungary,  was  very  much 
the  fruit  of  these  enactments  in  regard  to  the  Bauer,  and  their  lib- 
erty of  seeking  redress  in  the  courts. 

There  were  many  respects  in  which  the  condition  of  the  Hungarian 
peasants  was  far  superior  to  that  of  those  in  other  parts  of  Austria — 
in  Bohemia  or  Moravia,  or  the  Polish  provinces.  The  Hungarian 
Bauer  could  marry  as  he  choose.  The  Bohemian  must  obtain  per- 
mission. The  Hungarian  could  sell,  or  pawn,  or  loan,  all  his 
property,  movable  or  immovable.  In  other  parts  of  Austria  this 
was  either  forbidden  or  limited  by  many  restrictions. 

The  Hungarian  Bauer,  too,  could  buy  himself  free  from  all  obli- 
gations and  feudal  burdens,  and  he  could — by  purchase,  inheritance, 
or  otherwise — accumulate  a  very  considerable  amount  of  property  to 
himself — even  as  much  as  four  sessions,  or  124  acres.  In  no  part 
of  Austria  was  he  allowed  to  possess  more  than  one  session. 

In  Hungary,  when  a  nobleman's  property  passes  from  one  hand 
into  another,  no  tax  is  demanded  from  the  peasantry,  nor  even  when 
the  peasant  himself  removes  ;  while  in  Gallacia  and  Bohemia  these 
occasions  furnish  one  of  the  greatest  exactions  to  the  masters — a 
regular  tax  of  from  five  to  ten  per  cent. 

It  should  be  remembered,  too,  in  addition,  that  among  the  privi- 
leges of  the  Bauer  are  to  be  reckoned — a  large  tract  of  meadow- 
land,  granted  from  the  estate  of  the  proprietor ;  in  many  cases,  the 
power  of  collecting  wood  from  the  forests ;    and  the  privilege  of 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  163 

feeding  their  hogs,  through  a  good  part  of  the  year,  in  the  oak- 
groves  of  the  nobleman,  by  paying  a  trifling  tax. 

However,  with  all  its  alleviations,  that  this  Hungarian  Serfdom 
formed  an  infamous  oppression,  no  one  can  deny.  That  one  class 
should  alone  pay  the  taxes  and  support  the  expenses  of  a  State  in 
whose  government  it  had  no  share — that  one  class  must  build  the 
bridges  and  repair  the  roads  which  they  were  seldom  allowed  to  use 
— that  the  burdens  of  feudal  service  should  be  continued  so  many 
ages,  after  all  occasion  for  them  has  passed — is  all  an  injustice  and 
enormity,  in  regard  to  which  one  can  only  wonder  that  it  existed  so 
long.  Still,  as  I  said  before,  much  of  this  was  worse  on  paper  than 
in  reality  ;  and  the  effect  on  the  mass  of  the  Hungarian  peasantiy 
one  must  admit  has  not  been  of  a  degrading  and  debasing  nature. 
In  fact,  to  my  own  mind,  there  is  no  better  argument  that  serfdom 
existed  in  a  very  mitigated  form  in  Hungary,  than  the  independent, 
manly  bearing,  of  the  peasants. 

There  are  exceptions  to  this,  especially  among  the  Wallachs. 
They  are  a  degraded,  unprincipled,  lazy  race,  one  must  admit.  But 
how  much  of  their  peculiar  characteristics  arc  due  to  earlier  circum- 
stances in  their  history,  and  how  much  to  Hungarian  oppression 
would  be  a  difficult  question  to  settle.  They  are  different  in  every 
feature  and  turn  of  their  character  from  the  other  Hungarians,  and 
are  almost,  £s  a  matter  of  course,  their  sworn  enemies,  and  I 
think  would  have  been,  even  if  no  serfdom  had  ever  existed  in 
Hungary. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

The  Hungarian  Bauer. 

There  is  a  very  general  impression  in  America,  I  think,  that  the 
Bauer,  the  peasants  in  Hungary,  all  belong  to  the  Slavonic  races, 
and  the  noblemen  to  the  Magyar.  Using  the  word  Bauer  in  the 
wide  sense  given  to  it  by  the  German  writers  upon  Hungary, 
of  persons  not  enjoying  political  rights,  it  can  be  said  with  truth  that 
there  were  millions  of  Magyar  Bauer.  But  employing  the  term,  as 
I  have  done  in  these  articles,  merely  to  denote  the  agricultural  and 
land-owning  peasants,  on  whom  fell  the  heaviest  burdens  of  the 
feudal  service,  it  is  also  true  that  out  of  the  million  and  a  half  of 
these,  there  were  many  thousands,  yes,  hundred  thousands — Magyars. 
They  were  always,  indeed,  in  far  better  circumstances  than  the 
Slavonic  Bauer ;  and  were  much  more  energetic  and  independent 
men.  But  both  with  them  and  the  German  Bauer  in  Hungary,  the 
reason  of  their  superiority  did  not  lie  at  all  in  their  greater  freedom 
from  feudal  burdens.  They  had  quite  as  many  Robot-days  to  work  ; 
as  heavy  taxes  to  pay,  and  as  many  bridges  and  roads  to  mend  for 
the  nobility  as  the  Slavonians  or  the  "Wallachs.  Both  races  were 
under  the  feudal  oppression,  and  the  difference  of  characteristics  in 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  165 

them,  cannot  be  traced  alone  to  the  exactions  laid  upon  them.  The 
peasants  in  Siebenburgen,  or  Transylvania,  both  Wallachs  and  others, 
appear  to  have  been  more  harshly  treated  in  former  times  than  in 
other  parts  of  Hungaiy.  Perhaps,  in  that  mountainous  region,  the 
masters  were  farther  from  the  reach  of  law.  The  fact,  too,  that  the 
Robot-burdens,  in  their  fullest  extent,  existed  there,  may  have  added 
to  the  oppression.  The  peasantry  beside  were  of  the  most  bigoted 
Greek-Catholic  belief — and  allowed  by  their  priest  the  least  possible 
education,  so  that,  in  all  respects,  the  masters  and  servants  were  the 
widest  possible  from  one  another,  and  the  least  likely  on  either  side 
to  be  governed  by  good  principles  in  their  dealings  toward  one 
another. 

The  Hungarians  will  not  allow  it,  but  for  myself  I  could  not  but 
see,  in  the  fearful  Carib-like  atrocities  of  the  Wallachs  there,  to- 
wards there  old  masters,  the  Magyars,  during  the  last  war,  a  reaction. 
a  passionate  revenge,  for  the  heavy  oppression  which  very  probably 
existed  there  previously.  These  atrocities  were  punished,  and 
terribly  punished — for  the  Wallachs  are  great  cowards — by  the 
Hungarians.  War  existed  there  in  1849  in  its  most  revolting  forms. 
The  Wallachs  hung  clergymen,  and  the  Hungarians  in  return  shot 
priests  by  the  gangs.  The  Wallachs  burned  the  women  and 
spitted  the  children  of  the  Magyars ;  and  they  revenged  themselves 
by  destroying  the  Wallachian  villages  from  the  very  face  of  the  land. 
The  country  looks  like  a  desert,  they  say  now,  compared  with  its 
former  appearance.  This  was  really  the  only  part  of  Hungary  where 
there  was  a  peasant-war  that  year,  against  the  masters ;  for  in  other 
portions  of  the  country  the  peasants  formed  quite  as  efficient  and 
patriotic  a  corps  in  the  army  as  any  other  class.  Indeed,  we  may 
say,  Kossuth's  most  enthusiastic  supporters  have  generally  been 
from  the  common  peasantry. 


166  TRANSYLVANIA    PEASANTRY. 

Since  the  war,  it  has  also  seemed  to  me  a  kind  of  retribution  for 
the  serfdom  in  Siebenburgen,  that  in  no  part  of  Hungary  have  the 
landlords  suffered  such  irretrievable  ruin  from  the  doing  away  of 
tne  feudal  service  as  in  that  region.  They  held,  before  the  Parlia- 
ment of  '47,  an  almost  unlimited  sway  over  their  serfs.  "Work  had 
never  been  paid  for  ;  even  the  mere  renting  of  the  cottage  had  not 
been  customary  there.  The  serf,  according  to  the  most  exacting 
feudal  law  in  Hungary,  occupied  the  land  in  perpetuity,  and  paid 
his  tax,  as  a  vassal,  to  his  master.  The  consequence  was,  when  the 
feudal  law  was  abolished,  there  came  the  most  entire  revulsion. 

The  master  had  nothing,  where  before  he  possessed  thousands ; 
the  land  belonged  to  the  serf,  and  the  tax  was  at  an  end.  Work 
could  not  be  had  from  the  peasants  for  money  now,  for  they  owned 
land  enough  of  their  own ;  nor  for  love  or  gratitude,  for  there  never 
had  been  any  such  sentiments  existing  between  them. 

As  a  result,  the  nobles  who  had  owned  no  land  personally  there, 
are  beggared  ;  and  those  who  own  it  cannot  get  labor  for  it,  even 
with  the  most  exorbitant  wages.  In  other  parts  of  Hungary  I  have 
often  observed,  as  a  beautiful  testimony,  what  the  feudal  connection 
between  master  and  peasant  had  previously  been — that  the  Bauer 
still,  when  utterly  independent  of  his  master,  sought  him  for  advice, 
aided  him  without  expecting  a  reward,  and  looked  up  to  him  more 
as  a  friend  than  a  landlord.  There  is  nothing  of  this  apparent  now 
in  Siebenburgen. 

As  I  have  said  previously,  there  has  been  now  for  many  years  a 
powerful  party  in  Hungary  laboring  for  the  abolishing  of  these  old 
feudal  laws.  Of  course  there  was  a  bitter  opposition  to  them,  even 
as  there  was  in  England  to  the  efforts  of  the  "Emancipation  Party'' 
under  Wilberforce ;  self-interest,  pride,  jealousy,  all  worked  against 
them.    Some  idea  of  the  amount  of  mere  moneyed  interest,  accumu- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  167 

lated  on  the  other  side,  may  be  gathered  from  the  following 
calculation,  taken  mostly  from  the  only  good  statistics  of  Hungary, 
both  those  of  Fenyes  and  Dr.  Schiitte. 

Taking  the  latest  estimate — and  one  probably  beneath  the  truth 
— of  the  number  of  sessions  on  peasants'  estate,  at  250,000,  and 
reckoning  104  days  of  feudal  labor  to  each,  according  to  the  law,  at 
wages  of  10  kreutzers  (7|  cents)  per  diem,  though  they  must  be 
double  that  now,  and  we  have  an  income  to  the  proprietors  of 
4,500,000  florins  (about  82,250,000),  or  a  capital  of  more  than 
$56,000,000,  at  4  per  cent,  interest.  Add  to  this  the  feudal  labor 
of  the  peasants,  who  merely  occupy  a  house  and  garden  {Inquilini 
and  Subinquilini),  numbering  in  1805  over  783,000,  and  supposed 
in  1848  to  be  more  than  a  million,  each  being  obliged  to  labor  from 
twelve  to  eighteen  days  in  the  year,  and  we  have  15,000,000 
working  days,  worth,  at  10  kreutzers  a-day,  2|  million  florins, 
or  a  capital  of  75,000,000  florins — that  is,  more  than  1-30,000,000. 

Then,  if  we  consider,  in  addition,  that  a  ninth  of  all  the  crops  and 
the  wine  and  the  fruit  belonging  to  these  peasants,  accrued  to  their 
masters,  we  may  reasonably  conclude,  that  the  total  value  of  the 
property  in  Hungary  vested  in  this  feudal  labor,  would  exceed  ninety 
million  dollars.  This  is  undoubtedly  a  low  estimate  rather  than 
the  contrary.  Yet  this  was  all  to  be  sacrificed  at  a  stroke,  if  the 
laws  enforcing  feudal  labor  were  abolished.  I  said  wrongly,  when  I 
stated  that  all  this  interest  of  property  was  concentrated  on  the  other 
side  against  the  movement ;  and  in  that  respect  this  movement  is 
not  a  parallel  with  that  of  Wilberforce  for  emancipation  in  England,  or 
with  similar  efforts  in  our  own  country. 

In  Hungary,  the  party  for  the  freedom  of  the  serfs  from  Robot, 
would  suffer  by  it,  quite  as  much  as  an  equal  number  of  the  others. 
They  all  had  their  own  Bauer,  doing  them  so  much  feudal  service  in 


168  RIGHTS    SECURED. 

the  year ;  and  any  change  would  reach  their  incomes  as  much  as 
those  of  the  "  Conservatives." 

It  was  as  if  the  Southern  slaveholders  should  form  a  party  among 
themselves  for  the  universal  abolition  of  slavery. 

Naturally,  as  I  have  said,  there  was  great  opposition  to  this  party 
throughout  Hungary.  Such  a  grand  change  in  the  whole  condition 
of  property,  was  dreaded  even  by  those  who  had  nothing  to  lose 
from  it.  The  "  Conservatives,"  too,  could  not  reconcile  it  with  their 
pride,  that  the  Radical  party,  with  the  reformer,  Kossuth,  should 
carry  out  his  favorite  measure.  The  patriotic  feared,  if  the  Consti- 
tution was  changed  in  one  point,  Austria  would  make  a  pretence  to 
subvert  it  in  all ;  and  the  great  mass  could  not  endure  the  proposi- 
tion of  loosing  two  hundred  millions  of  florins,  with  a  vague  prospect 
of  restitution,  only  for  a  sentiment.  Besides,  there  was  no  doubt  to 
any  observing  man,  that  exceedingly  complicated  legal  difficulties 
would  result  from  such  a  change. 

Many  large  estates  were  pawned  for  years  to  come,  on  the  labor 
or  Robot  belonging  to  them  ;  contracts  had  been  entered  into,  loans 
made,  large  sums  borrowed,  all  based  on  the  certainty  of  the  returns 
from  this  feudal  labor. 

What  is  to  be  done  with  these,  if  Robot  was  abolished  ?  Again, 
how  could  the  State,  with  its  narrow  incomes,  ever  restore  any  con- 
siderable part  of  such  an  enormous  loss  ?  With  all  this  opposition, 
reasonable  and  unreasonable,  the  party  made  but  little  way  for  a 
long  time.  A  great  effort  was  made  in  the  Parliament  of  1832-3P, 
which  failed,  however,  in  its  main  object,  of  doing  away  entirely  with 
feudal  service,  but  which  succeeded  in  considerably  lightening  it. 
These  privileges,  gained  here  for  the  Bauer  by  Kossuth's  party,  as 
they  are  but  little  known,  and  show,  at  least,  what  the  tendency  of 
the  part}'  was,  we  will  give  in  detail.     The  facts  are  derived  from  a 


HUNGARY   IN    1851.  169 

very  reliable  journal  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Parliament,  published 
in  Leipsic  soon  after  its  close. 

(1.)  The  liability  to  taxation  was  taken  from  the  person  of  the 
Bauer  and  transferred  to  the  soil,  and  thus  often  fastened  upon  the 
noble ;  each  "  session,'1''  paying  so  much  to  the  State,  whether 
owned  by  Bauer  or  Nobleman. 

(2.)  The  occupier  should  have  the  right  to  sell  out,  not  only  his 
buildings  and  his  own  improvements,  but  also  his  right  of  occupa- 
tion, and  the  master  could  not  object,  under  200  florins'  fine. 

(3.)  The  Bauer,  as  before,  were  allowed  at  will  to  leave  their 
property,  but  the  noble  if  he  refused  the  "  permission  to  depart,"  was 
fined  200  florins. 

(4.)  The  Bauer  should  have  the  right  to  hold  his  land  on  an 
unlimited  lease  ;  and  by  paying  a  fixed  sum  to  be  free  from  all  other 
stipulations. 

(5.)  Such  bargains  should  be  made  before  the  Courts  of  the 
Comitat,  so  as  to  secure  the  Bauer  from  oppression  ;  and  these 
were  only  allowed  to  sanction  them,  when  they  were  less  oppressive, 
than  the  old  arrangement. 

(6.)  In  future,  no  estate  or  "  session  "  should  be  divided  into  more 
than  four  parts. 

(7.)  The  Bauer  should  be  allowed  a  greater  quantity  of  meadow- 
land,  to  the  amount  of  22  Joch,  or  about  31  acres. 

(8.)  They  were  permitted  to  open  a  shop,  and  to  rent  one,  if  they 
desired. 

(9.)  The  tithes  to  the  nobleman  in  small  products,  such  as  eggs, 
lambs,  fowls,  honey,  butter,  calves,  &c,  were  to  be  entirely  abol- 
ished. 

(10.)  The  ninths  from  the  crops  were  still  continued,  but  were 

not  to  be  taken  from  the  second  crops,  and  courts  were  appointed  by 

8 


170  RIGHTS    SECURED. 

menus  of  which  the  Bauer,  after  the  payment  of  a  reasonable  sum 
yearly,  could  be  entirely  freed  from  the  ninths. 

(11.)  The  number  of  Robot  days  was  preserved;  but  "  the  long 
drive"  (i.  e.,  every  four  sessions  were  obliged  once  a  year  to  drive  a 
two  days'  journey,  and  if  it  was  not  done  one  year  it  could  be 
claimed  the  next,)  was  done  away  with,  and  two  days'  labor  put  in 

its  place. 

(12.)  No  Robots  labor  could  ever  again  be  claimed  from  the 
peasants,  before  the  legal  time  by  the  landlords  ;  nor,  if  neglected 
then,  could  it  be  demanded  afterwards,  but  it  must  be  considered  as 
done. 

(13.)  If  the  master  lets  the  labor  of  the  Bauer  to  others,  he  is 
bound  to  inform  the  latter  through  the  village  judge  (Stuhl 
richter)  ;  and  he,  on  the  payment  of  a  certain  sum  by  the  peasant, 
can  free  him  from  this  labor. 

(14.)  If  the  noble  is  proved  to  have  oppressed  the  Bauer  too 
much  in  these  labors,  he  must  give  in  return  twice  the  value  of  the 
injury,  estimated  in  the  usual  day's  wages.  On  the  repetition  of  the 
offence  he  can  be  fined  beside,  through  the  accusation  of  the  amts- 
Jiscal,  (a  kind  of  district  attorney,)  200  florins,  half  of  which  goes 
to  the  Bauer,  and  half  to  the  treasury  of  the  Comitat. 

In  addition,  no  landlord  could  henceforth  have  any  part  in 
adjudging  the  cases  at  law  between  himself  and  his  peasants.  But 
a  new  Court,  composed  of  five  persons,  not  interested  in  the  matter, 
called  "  Sedes  Dominalis  Urbarialis"  was  to  sit  in  judgment  on 
all  these  cases. 

Furthermore,  the  peasants  were  protected  from  the  speculator,  or 
from  any  one  able  to  purchase  or  accumulate  all  then  landed  pro- 
perty, and  thus  to  make  them  mere  tenants  again.  Neither  the 
landlord  nor  the  nobles  in  the  same  village,  nor  the  parish,  were 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  171 

allowed  to  purchase  the  estates  of  the  peasants.  And  the  amount 
of  peasants'  estates  which  could  be  purchased  by  any  one,  was 
carefully  limited.  Four  was  the  ultimum ;  and  in  villages  where 
there  were  forty  "  entire"  estates,  only  one  could  be  bought  by  one 
person.  Of  course,  such  a  regulation  as  this  last,  hampered  all 
rapid  or  easy  sale  of  lands.  But  the  evil  was  probably  more  than 
compensated  by  the  protection,  it  ensured  to  the  peasant  against 
"  speculation,"  or  the  more  powerful  rich. 

The  great  peculiarity,  however,  of  these  and  other  provisions  of 
this  law,  passed  by  the  Hungarian  Parliament  in  1835,  was  that 
the  peasant  was  in  effect  considered  the  owner  of  his  land,  or  if  not, 
a't  least  the  "  occupier"  for  ever,  upon  certain  conditions.  The 
landlord  could  not  deprive  him  of  it ;  and  the  land,  or  more  strictly, 
the  "  right  of  occupation"  could  be  transmitted  to  his  children. 
The  tenants  on  the  "  copyhold  estates"  of  England,  or  on  the  ma- 
norial estates  in  New  York,  are  in  an  analogous  position. 

These  improvements  in  the  condition  of  the  Bauer,  leave  un- 
touched, it  is  true,  the  great  injustice  of  the  system — the  forcing 
labor  from  free  men  on  merely  traditional  claims.  Still,  they 
removed  many  of  the  little  annoyances  to  them,  and  guarded  them 
more  effectually  from  illegal  oppression.  They  show  too  the  ten- 
dency of  the  political  party  who  won  them.  And  further,  in  my 
mind  they  show  what  the  study  of  the  whole  system  has  shown  me, 
that  the  vassalage  in^Uungary  was  never  a  Slavery.  Where  the 
siit'  could  buy  his  freedom  from  Feudal  Service;  where  he  could 
leave  his  master  at  pleasure;  where  he  could  prosecute  him  if 
oppressive;  where  his  own  house  and  garden  were  as  inviolable  as 
the  nobles' ;  where  strict  provisions  of  law  with  keen-eyed  advocates 
watching  their  violation,  hedged  round  the  master  ;  and  where  the 
common  and  legal  idea  of  the  system  was,  not  that  it  was  an  arbi- 


172  EMANCIPATION 

trary  Despotism,  but  a  traditional,  lawful  Ownership  of  property,  of 
labor  too,  not  of  persons ;  there  could  be  no  debasing,  lawless 
slavery. 

It  was  rather  a  legalized  exaction,  like  those  of  the  English 
noblemen  from  the  tenants,  whose  families  have  held  leases  on  their 
estates  for  eight  hundred  years.  An  ownership  derived  perhaps 
from  past  conquest,  but  dating  for  unknown  centuries  back.  An 
ownership,  oppressive  indeed,  unjust  often,  but  not,  from  its  nature, 
adapted  necessarily  to  degrade  and  debase  a  people,  like  the  exac- 
tions of  the  Irish  tenant  system  or  of  our  American  slavery. 

These  changes,  then,  in  the  feudal  system  of  Hungary,  were  the 
first  great  steps  made  by  the  party  of  reform  headed  by  Kossuth 
and  Deak  and  Batthyanyi.  From  this  session  of  '32  to  that  of  '47, 
they  continued  constantly  to  agitate  the  country  with  reference  to 
this  reform,  and  many  similar  changes.  The  account  of  all  the 
individual  efforts  would  be  hardly  suitable  here.  I  have  before  me 
a  programme  by  Francis  Deak,  accepted  by  this  party,  of  their 
political  principles,  and  offered  long  before  the  French  Revolution 
of  '48,  wherein  the  great  principles  stated  are,  "  full  equality  before 
the  law,"  and  "  an  entire  abolition  of  feudal  privileges  and  feudal 
exactions  from  the  peasants,"  and  "  a  more  general  distribution  of 
the  right  of  sum-age." 

At  length,  at  the  close  of  the  session  in  March,  1848,  in  the  tide 
of  enthusiasm  from  Kossuth's  eloquence,  and  from  the  general 
efforts  of  his  party,  all  these  provisions,  and  many  more,  were  carried 
through,  and  that  with  such  a  spirit  and  ardor  that  numbers  voted 
for  them,  who  lost  their  all  by  them.  The  stirring  events  which 
were  enacting  in  Europe,  undoubtedly  gave  an  impulse  to  these 
movements  in  Hungary.  But  it  should  be  remembered  that  these 
had  long  been  agitating  in  Hungary ;  that  they  were  carried  out 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  173 

into  action  when  Hungary  was  nominally  under  the  Austrian 
Emperor ;  when  she  had  nothing  to  fear  from  any  source ;  for 
Austria  was  powerless  with  her  own  difficulties,  and  the  rising  in 
Croatia  had  but  just  begun,  and  that  too  from  a  people  whom  the 
Hungarians  have  always  despised  in  war.  There  certainly  could 
have  been  no  time  in  which  the  naturally  confident  spirit  of  the 
Hungarian  nation  would  have  been  more  secure  against  foreign 
dangers. 

No — no  mere  motive  of  self-interest,  of  foar,  of  cautious  providing 
for  dangers  ahead,  will  alone  explain  that  grand  Act  of  the  Hunga- 
rian Parliament  in  '48 — one  of  the  grandest  in  the  records  of 
national  legislation.  These  motives  may  have  mingled  with  many 
others,  as  they  always  do  in  the  best  of  actions.  But  let  it  be 
remembered — let  it  be  recorded  in  history  with  praise — that  a 
nation  of  noblemen,  in  the  flush  of  their  strength  and  their  pride, 
in  the  time  of  their  safety,  with  no  force  to  compel  them,  abolished 
at  one  stroke  the  serfdom  of  millions  of  peasants,  and  sacrificed  by 
this,  property  which  they  had  owned,  to  the  value  of  two  hundred 
millions  of  florins. 

Such  acts  have  not  often  been  known  in  the  world's  history,  and 
when  known  they  should  not  be  suffered  to  be  forgotten. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  German  and  Wallace  Villages. 

At  the  close  of  my  visit,  as  I  was  about  to  make  arrangements 
for  starting,  the  judge  of  the  village,  who  happened  to  he  a  Hun- 
garian, sent  word  that  the  Vorsjmnn  of  the  town  was  at  my  service 
gratuitously,  as  a  token  of  respect,  my  host  said,  to  the  nation  who 
had  so  generously  received  the  poor  Hungarian  exiles.  Accord- 
ingly, after  friendly  farewells,  I  mounted  into  the  huge  wicker-wagon 
and  with  a  moustached  and  bearded  Haiduck  on  the  "  box,"  rattled 
swiftly  away  towards  the  Szathmar  Comitat. 

Everywhere  that  I  travelled  in  this  region,  I  was  struck  with  the 
great  numbers  of  vigorous,  handsome  men,  whom  I  saw.  The 
women,  however,  as  I  observed  before  near  the  Theiss,  are  hardly 
equal  to  the  men  in  beauty.  I  suppose  the  reason  is  to  be  found  m 
the  hard  out-door  work  of  the  women,  which  stunts  the  height  and 
destroys  the  graceful  carriage  and  form.  The  peasant  women 
always  look  very  healthy,  however,  and  have  a  very  bright,  pleas- 
ant expression.  In  the  course  of  this  journey  among  the  Haiduck 
villages,  I  stopped  for  a  few  hours  with  a  gentleman  to  whom  I  had 
a  letter.     He  took  me  around  to  call  upon  the  villagers,  and  among 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  175 

others,  said  lie  would  show  me  a  famous  "  beauty  "  of  the  peasant 
women.  The  cottage  to  which  he  led  me,  was  one  of  the  most 
tasteful  in  the  village,  with  more  of  flowers  and  vines  about  it,  than 
the  others.  We  found  the  fair  one,  fortunately,  just  as  she  was 
entering  the  house  with  her  child,  and  when  there  was  no  time  'o 
prepare.  She  must  have  divined  our  object,  but  she  seemed  in  no 
way  disconcerted,  and  bandied  repartees  and  compliments  with  my 
friend  in  the  easiest  manner  possible.  Her  movement  in  entering 
the  house  had  deepened  the  rich  olive  of  her  cheeks,  and  a  little 
disarranged  the  turban-like  handkerchief  over  her  dark  hair,  so  that 
everything  heightened  her  naturally  striking  appearance.  Very 
tall,  but  with  no  awkwardness  or  angularity,  her  form  in  fine,  flow- 
ing lines,  eyes  deep  black,  complexion  a  soft  brunette,  and  profile 
regular  and  dignified,  she  seemed  as  she  stood  before  us,  a  true 
queen  of  beauty.  Peasant  as  she  was,  she  conversed  with  us,  as 
easily  as  if  she  were  a  woman  of  rank,  and  when  we  left,  attended 
us  to  the  gate,  in  the  most  cordial  and  unconstrained  way. 

In  the  higher  classes,  the  ladies  always  seemed  to  me — at  least 
those  who  had  passed  youth — very  much  like  our  own,  worn,  pale, 
as  if  climate,  or  too  much  in-door  life  had  exhausted  the  health, 
early.  Yet  more  brilliant  and  intelligent  ladies  are  not  to  be  met 
with  in  Europe,  than  those  of  the  educated  classes  in  Hungary. 
With  a  certain  oriental  fire  and  poetry  too,  which  gives  a  peculiar 
piquancy  to  their  cultivation. 

With  such  occasional  visits  anions;  the  gentlemen  to  whom  I  had' 
letters  of  introduction,  I  continued  my  journey  North  and  E;ist. 
My  route  carried  me  at  this  time  through  some  of  the  villages  of 
the  Wallachs  and  of  the  German  settlers. 

One  can  nearly  always  distinguish  at  once,  through  Hungary,  a 
German  village.     The  Btreete    are   better    planted  with  trees  and 


176  WALLACH-HOUSES. 

shrubbery  than  are  the  Hungarian.  The  houses  are  usually  higher, 
and  less  oriental  in  their  style.  And  taking  the  same  class  of  peas- 
antry, there  are  more  signs  of  comfort  and  material  improvement, 
with  the  Germans. 

The  Wallach  villages  are  always  to  be  recognised,  unfortunately, 
for  an  opposite  reason.  They  are  the  dirtiest  of  all  the  dirty  vil- 
lages. Their  houses  are  the  lowest  and  poorest  of  all,  commonly 
with  only  one  decent  room  ;  the  straw  fences  are  broken  down,  and 
the  mud  walls  of  their  cottages  look  soiled  and  leaky.  In  these, 
through  which  I  journeyed,  there  were  large  fields  laid  out  for 
Indian  corn.  The  Wallacbs  eat  very  little  meat,  and  corn  is  their 
main  article  of  diet.  Veiy  few  of  the  other  tribes  in  Hungary,  set 
much  by  this  crop,  as  an  article  for  the  table,  though  it  is  much 
nsed  for  the  cattle.  I  found  too,  that  some  of  the  Wallachs  made 
a  kind  of  tea  of  the  ripe  kernels,  by  boiling  them  ;  a  not  unpala- 
table drink,  if  well  mingled  with  milk. 

These  Wallach  peasants  whom  I  saw  here,  and  in  other  parts  of 
Hungary,  were  not  at  all  equal  in  physical  development  to  the 
Magyars. 

Their  faces  were  thin,  nervous,  and  sallow,  foreheads  low,  with  a 
sharp,  cunning  expression  to  the  eyes.  The  hair  often  flaxen-like  in 
appearance.  The  average  of  height  must  be  much  lower  than  with 
the  Magyars,  and  the  form  is  far  more  angular.  Some  of  the 
women,  however,  are  quite  equal  in  beauty  to  those  of  any  tribe  in 
Hungary.  The  dress  of  the  peasants  through  these  villages,  was 
simple  enough.  A  long  shirt  tied  around  the  waist,  with  a  broad 
brimmed  black  hat,  was  the  costume  for  work.  In  the  streets  or  at 
the  markets,  there  was  an  addition  of  the  sheep-skin  for  cloak, 
heavy  boots,  and  wide  linen  trousers,  with  a  little  black  cap  occa- 
sionally, of  lamb's  wool,  instead  of  the  hat.     Every  man  too,  had,  I 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  177 

observed,  a  number  of  complicated  instruments  in  his  girdle  for  smok- 
ing ;  to  pick  the  pipes,  light  the  tobacco,  cut  it,  &c.  The  tobacco 
is  always  carried  in  a  small  bag,  at  the  waist,  of  sheep's  bladder,  for 
preserving  it  cool. 

Everything  about  the  "Wallachs  shows  what  all  ethnologists 
admit,  a  different  origin  from  that  of  the  Magyars.  They  them- 
selves always  claim  a  direct  descent  from  the  Romans  who  settled 
here,  after  their  conquest,  indeed  frequently  calling  themselves  with 
pride,  "  Rovmanen?  Their  language  shows  a  great  mixture,  it  is 
said — about  one  half; — of  words  of  Latin  origin. 

There  appeal's  to  be"  some  question  still  among  the  learned, 
whether  they  are  of  Dacian  origin,  afterwards  mingled  with  Roman 
and  Slavic  elements,  or  directly  of  Roman  descent. 

Their  religion  is  almost  entirely  that  of  the  Greek-Catholic 
Church,  in  its  most  degraded  form.  The  priests  have  an  unlimited 
influence  over  them,  and  seem  to  encourage  their  brutal  super- 
stitions. This  belief,  for  instance,  is  very  common  even  yet, 
everywhere. 

Those  who  are  possessed  with  devils  according  to  the  Wallachs 
are  allowed  after  death  to  return  to  men,  in  the  form  of  vampyres, 
and  suck  their  blood  in  sleep.  To  avoid  this  calamity,  the  suspicious 
corpses  are  unburied,  and  bored  through  the  heart  with  a  pointed 
stick,  after  which  the  persecuted  Wallach  can  sleep  in  peace.  Some 
of  these  curious  superstitions  I  will  mention  hereafter. 

TIk;  "Wallachs  in  1842  are  given  by  Fenyes  as  numbering 
1,0*70,163;  in  1848,  the  Hungarian  statistical  writers  make  them 
2,908,870* 

Despite  their  number,  they  have  never  had  any  important  posi- 
tion or  influence  in  Hungary. 

*  Chonawez  says,  2,205,542. — Handbwh  fiir  Ungarn,  &c.     1851. 

8* 


178  SAXON    OPPRESSION. 

Ignorant  and  poor,  they  never  could  have  much  weight  in  a 
polity  like  the  Hungarian. 

The  great  proportion  of  them — nearly  two-thirds — resided  in 
Transylvania,  where  they  possessed  eleven  "  Comitate,"  or  counties. 
There  is  no  doubt,  as  I  before  remarked,  that  these  Wallachs  in 
Transylvania  had  been  much  oppressed. 

Transylvania  had  always  had  a  somewhat  independent  adminis- 
tration from  Hungary,  and  the  laws  in  1835  upon  serfdom,  were  not 
as  thoroughly  carried  out  there,  as  in  the  other  parts  of  the  common 
country.  The  greatest  oppression  seems  to  have  been  exercised  by 
the  Colony  of  Saxons  upon  the  Wallach  peasants.  The  peasant 
was  almost  bound  to  the  soil,  and  the  Protestant  clergy  of  the 
Saxons  were  paid  out  of  the  hard-earned  wages  of  the  Wallachs, 
who  belonged  to  another  church.  In  the  years  before  1848,  the 
efforts  of  the  Magyars  and  Szeklers  (a  Magyar  tribe)  in  Transylva- 
nia, were  directed  to  bringing  about  an  abolition  of  all  national  dis- 
tinctions, and  to  uniting  all  Hungary  on  the  basis  of  a  common 
representation — the  only  qualification  for  which  should  be  a  small 
amount  of  property. 

The  Saxons  opposed  this,  as  they  desired  to  be  represented  as  a 
distinct  tribe.  The  Wallachs,  too,  were  stimulated  by  their 'priests, 
to  believe  that  the  only  object  of  this  movement  for  "  general 
suffrage,"  was  to  destroy  the  distinct  existence  of  the  Wallachs  as  a 
nation,  and  to  do  away  with  their  beloved  Church.  All  these 
causes  and  others  which  I  have  before  mentioned,  united  to  produce 
the  most  bitter  hostility  between  the  Hungarians  and  the  Wallachs. 

At  length  in  1848,  the  union  of  Transylvania  and  Hungary  was 
comjileted,  and  equal  rights  were  offered  to  the  whole  Hungarian 
people.  Still,  there  was  nothing  said  of  bestowing  on  the  Wallachs 
a  distinct  Federative  position  in  the  Parliament.     As  the  war  opened, 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  179 

the  "WaUachs  sided  with  the  Austrians,  and,  as  I  before  have 
remarked,  the  contest  between  the  two  parties  in  Transylvania  was 
the  most  bloody  and  merciless  of  any  which  raged  in  Hungary. 

Near  the  close  of  the  war,  in  the  very  last  days  of  the  Hungarian 
Ministry,  the  Parliament  discussed  again  the  question  of  a  Federa- 
tive position  for  the  Wallachs.  It  was  at  Szegedin,  on  the  29th  of 
July,  in  the  last  session  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  that  Szemere 
made  one  of  his  most  brilliant  speeches  on  this  subject.  "  The  first 
idea  of  the  Hungarian  Revolution,"  said  he,  "  was  the  improvement 
of  the  form  of  Government ;  the  second  idea  was  the  guarantee  of 
individual  rights.  Royalty  must  be  done  away  with ;  equality  of 
rights  and  duties  be  expressed  ;  so  that  according  to  this  principle, 
the  service,  and  not  the  name  or  the  coat  of  arms  must  be  taken  into 
consideration ;  ability  and  not  a  long  row  of  ancestors  be  rewarded. 
The  Noble,  the  Count,  and  the  Duke,  must  lose  his  crown,  that  all 
who  dwell  in  the  land  may  attain  the  universal  crown,  the  crown 
which  lies  in  these  words,  '  Free  Citizen — Free  Max.'  The 
third  great  idea,  is  free  Nationality.  To  every  people  shall  the 
free  unfolding  of  its  Nationality  be  allowed — but  with  this  idea 
always — that  Nationality  is  not  the  goal  of  Freedom,  but  the 
means  for  it!  Let  the  National  Assembly  speak  out  upon  this 
point,"  &c,  &C 

The  purport  of  the  Speech  was,  that  in  order  to  convince  the 
Wallachs  and  the  Serbs  of  the  good  intentions  of  the  Hungarian 
Parliament  towards  them,  they  should  offer  a  Federative  position  in 
the  National  Councils  to  these  tribes,  as  well  as  an  amnesty  to  all 
who  had  fought  against  the  Hungarians. 

The  proposition  was  accepted,  and  passed  by  a  majority  of  nearly 
two  thirds. 

It  was  the  closing  act  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  and  was  one 


180  CONFEDERATION. 

of  the  last  efforts  to  save  a  sinking  cause.  The  "VVallachs  were  not 
likely  to  care  for  either  Confederation  or  Amnesty  then,  when  the 
Austrians  and  Kussians  were  just  giving  the  last  strokes  to  the 
Hungarian  party. 

It  might  have  been  more  expedient,  perhaps,  if  the  Hungarians 
had  offered  before  a  representation  to  the  Wallachs  as  a  distinct 
nation.  But  it  was  the  view  of  the  Hungarian  patriots  from  the 
beginning,  that  the  only  hope  of  forming  a  united,  powerful  Hun- 
gary, was  in  melting  together  the  various  tribes  within  the  country. 
They  offered  to  the  Wallachs  precisely  what  they  did  to  the 
Magyars,  or  the  Cumanians,  or  the  Germans — an  equal  representa- 
tion on  a  small  property  qualification.  But  they  alleged,  that  to 
permit  each  of  the  numerous  small  tribes  in  Hungary  to  be  repre- 
sented in  the  Parliament,  would  be  to  form  a  discordant  Govern- 
ment, and  to  prepare  the  way  for  endless  dissensions. 

The  Germans  numbered  nearly  a  million  and  a  half,  and  yet 
never  demanded  any  distinct  National  Representation. 

The  only  grievance  too,  against  which  the  other  tribes  might 
complain — the  making  the  Magyar  Language  the  language  of 
State — appears  never  to  have  troubled  the  Wallachs. 

Most  of  them  use  the  Magyar  as  freely  as  their  own. 

For  my  own  part,  I  think  the  Hungarian  Statesmen  quite  right 
in  this  matter. 

If  any  one  will  imagine  each  one  of  the  "  Nationalities"  with  us 
demanding  a  representation  in  Congress ;  so  that  the  German,  the 
Irishman,  the  Frenchman,  the  Spaniard,  should  come  to  look  upon 
the  country,  not  as  the  common  country  of  all,  but  a  place  where 
his  Race  and  his  Language  must  struggle  for  supremacy,  he  will  get 
some  idea  of  the  confusion  and  dissension  which  such  a  thing  would 
produce  in  Hungary. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  181 

The  Hungarians  wanted  a  common  Parliament,  based  on  popula- 
tion and  not  on  race ;  where  all  the  nationalities,  without  jailing 
interests,  could  work  together  for  the  common  good.  To  the 
Croats  who  had  previously  possessed  their  distinct  provincial  rights, 
or  to  Transylvania,  as  formerly  a  separate  province,  they  gave  a 
distinct  representation.  But  to  the  almost  innumerable  separate 
tribes,  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  this  could  not,  with  wisdom, 
be  granted. 

The  only  apparent  injustice  I  can  see  in  it  all,  was  in  making  the 
Magyar  the  National  Language.  But  the  Magyars  were  the  most 
powerful  race ;  the  ruling  people,  as  the  Anglo-Saxons  are  in 
America.  They  were  the  most  intelligent  and  the  wealthiest ;  and 
they  formed,  if  the  Austrian  census  of  this  year  be  correct,  a  majority 
over  the  whole  ;  or  if  it  be  not,  they  were  at  least  more  numerous 
than  any  other  one  race. 

Their  language  too,  is  in  effect,  the  popular  language.  No  other 
tongue  was  forbidden,  any  more  than  it  is  in  the  United  States ; 
but  also  as  here,  one  language  became  the  language  for  diplomacy, 
and  politics,  and  society. 

I  fully  believe  the  Wallachs  were  stimulated  by  priests  and 
Austrian  agents  to  join  in  those  movements  which  were  then  agi- 
tating Eastern  Europe — movements  which  originated  in  a  false  idea, 
and  which  ended  sadly,  inasmuch  as  they  had  for  their  object 
Nationality  and  not  Liberty. 

I  am  confirmed  in  this  impression — derived  from  a  candid  study 
of  facts  presented  on  both  sides — by  the  universal  sentiment  among 
the  Wallachs  at  this  time.  They  consider  themselves  deceived, 
cheated  by  the  Austrian  Government — and  as  I  had  evidence  from 
every  side,  tiny  have  come  at  length  to  look  upon  the  Hungarians 
as  their  real    well-wishers.     Austrian  oppression  had  aided  in  this 


182  CENSUS. 

result,  but  beside,  more  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  Hungarians 
since  the  war.  In  many  villages  the  soldiers  have  a  difficulty  in 
repressing  a  revolt.  Wherever  they  can,  the  Wallachs  take  the  side 
of  the  Magyars,  and  even  have  enrolled  themselves  as  Magyars. 

A  striking  fact  was  afterwards  related  to  me  in  this  connection  by 
the  Austrian  Director  of  Police  for  Hungary — a  very  intelligent 
gentleman,  and  a  most  loyal  Austrian,  at  whose  house  I  spent  some 
days  in  arrest. 

The  details  I  shall  have  occasion  to  mention  hereafter.  It  is 
enough  to  say,  that  in  the  Austrian  census  held  this  year,  nearly  a 
million  of  Wallachs  have  given  in  their  names  as  Magyars — the 
only  mode  in  which  they  could  express  their  change  of  feeling 
towards  the  Magyars  and  the  Austrians.* 

*  I  see  that  Schlesingcr  in  his  "  History  of  the  War  in  Hungary"  (Vol.  II. 
p.  188) ,  states  that  the  Hungarian  Parliament  in  the  last  session  at  Szegedin 
July  28,  declared  "the  equal  rights  of  all  nationalities,"  and  offered  "  an 
amnesty  to  all  who  had  borne  arms  against  Hungary." 

"  The  recognition  of  equal  rights,"  he  says  further,  "  came  a  year  too 
late,  for  it  now  merely  offered  a  concession,  which  had  already  been  secured 
them  by  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  and  offered  it,  moreover,  in  the  sight  .of 
their  burnt-down  cities,  desolated  villages,  and  desecrated  graves." 

This  is  a  mistake,  which  Pulsky  corrects  in  a  foot-note,  though  not 
clearly, 

"  Equal  rights"  had  been  granted  in  the  Session  of  '47  and  '48,  to  all 
Nationalities  (see  ''  Acts  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  1847-'48,  Article  V. 
paragraph  I.  published  in  Pesth  by  Adolf  Muller)  before  the  Emperor' of 
Austria  had  taken  any  measures  in  the  matter. 

What  was  offered  here  by  the  Parliament,  as  I  have  before  stated,  was 
"  Confederation," — "  Representation  of  Nationalities  in  Parliament."— See 
Dr.  SchiiUe's  History,  Vol-  2,  p.  312 — or  the  "  Jllgemeine  Zeitung,"  for  1849— 
or  Reports  of  "  Szemere's  Speech,"  or  the  "  Hungarian  Journals11  for  1849. 

As  to  the  "  Confederation,"  or  "  equal  rights,"  secured  by  the  Emperor 
of  Austria,  the  less  said  by  any  friend  of  Austria,  the  better.     All  the  various 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  1S3 

As  I  said,  these  German  villages,  through  which  I  passed 
occasionally,  in  this  part  of  my  journey,  could  readily  be  distin- 
guished from  the  Hungarian. 

Still,  the  Germans  generally,  through  Hungary,  have  mingled 
with  the  other  races,  and  in  only  two  instances,  live  in  separate 
districts. 

One,  on  the  "Western  borders  of  Hungary,  where,  under  the  name 
of  Hhnzen,  (or  Hanzen,)  they  inhabit  a  mountainous  tract — num- 
bering, it  is  said,  about  120,000  :  And  the  other,  in  Transylvania, 
where  they  have  founded  a  distinct  "  Saxon"  colony,  with  about 
1 52,000  inabitants,  and  the  cities  of  Hermannstadt  and  Kronstadt. 

Their  numbers  through  the  whole  of  Hungary,  were  reckoned  in 
1848,  1,377,484,  (Dr.  Schutte)— in  1842,  1,200,327  (Fenyes) 

If  the  Jews,  who  are  nearly  all  of  German  origin,  and  who  use  the 
German  language,  as  natives,  are  counted  with  them,  the  Germans 
in  Hungary  would  number  now  over  2,000,000. 

In  regard  to  religious  sects  among  the  Germans,  the  Catholics 
have  the  majority,  numbering  according  to  Fenyes,  859,476;  the 
Protestants  of  the  Reformed  Church,   10,055  ;    of  the  Lutheran 
180,617. 

The  Government  has  been  attempting  of  late  to  increase  the  Ger- 
man element,  by  introducing  colonists  from  other  parts  of  Austria, 
into  the  confiscated  estates  of  the  "Rebels." 

The  plan  has  failed,  however,  from  mismanagement,  and  from  the 
utter   want  of  confidence,    through    all    parties,   in    the   Austrian 

provinces,  with  varying  interests,  of  the  Empire  of  Austria,  are  secured  firmly 
in  the  >l  equal  right"  to  a  share  of  the  intolerable  taxation,  and  of  the 
crushing  Police  system.  Beyond  this,  it  does  not  as  yet  appear,  that  their 
rights  extend. 

For  the  Confederation,  the  last  idea  of  it,  as  I  write  (Jan.,  1  S5'2 )  is  just 
openly  rejected  by  the  Journals  of  the  Court  in  Vienna. 


184  COLONIZATION. 

Government.  The  constant  liability,  too,  that  the  whole  country 
may  burst  into  another  fearful  revolution  checks  all  immigration, 
though  there  is  probably  no  part  of  Europe  where  cheap,  good  land 
could  so  easily  be  bought. 

I  do  not  believe,  however,  if  the  Ministry  had  been  successful, 
the-  plan  would  have  been  especially  favorable  to  their  interests. 

The  Germans  in  the  last  "  War  of  Independence,"  fought  bravely 
with  the  Hungarians — and  even  these  Bohemian  boors  would  quite 
as  probably  side  against,  as  with,  the  Viennese  Ministry. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Ride  Over  the  Puszta. 

Central  Hukgabt,  May,  1851. 
As  I  went  on  in  my  journey  through  Central  Hungary,  I  was 
more  and  more  struck  with  the  peculiar  character  of  the  scenery 
From  the  Danube,  in  an  easterly  direction,  there  seems  to  be  one 
unvarying  plain  or  prairie  for  nearly  three  hundred  miles.  There 
are  occasionally  slight  elevations,  as  in  the  hills  near  Grosswardein, 
and  in  the  branch  of  the  Carpathians  in  the  south-eastern  part  of 
the  Bihar  Comitat.  But  on  the  whole,  from  the  Carpathians  to 
the  Danube,  this  is  the  appearance  of  the  country.  I  know  nothing 
more  grand  than  the  aspect  of  these  vast  plains,  sometimes  covered 
with  a  short  grass,  and  dotted  with  immense  herds  of  cattle,  which 
appear  like  mere  specks  in  the  distance ;  and  sometimes  green  with 
waving  grain  to  the  very  verge  of  the  horizon  on  every  side.  .  They 
are  like  the  sea  in  grandeur,  but  with  the  marks  of  the  labor  and 
the  Life  of  the  land  upon  them.  Sometimes  I  would  ride  for  hours 
and  hours  without  seeing  house  or  spire  or  tree  anywhere,  the  only 
object  to  break  the  view  being  the  tall  well-pole,  which  shows,  every 
few  miles,  the  solitary  spot  in  the  neighborhood  where  water  is  to  be 
found.     Then  village  spires  would  loom  up  in  the  distance,  and    I 


1S6  PRAIRIE-SCENERY. 

would  ride  on  toward  them,  a  whole  day  almost,  without  reaching 
them.  In  my  ride  towards  Debreczin,  this  species  of  scenery  espe- 
cially met  the  view  everywhere.  I  laid  myself  back  on  the  piles  of 
cloaks  and  hay — bundles  which  made  the  seat  in  the  wicker  wagon 
— the  vorspann  of  the  last  village,  and  fully  enjoyed  it.  There  was 
no  monotony  in  it.  The  change  of  vegetation  in  every  new  dis- 
trict, the  verdure  everywhere,  and  the  grandeur  of  the  scene,  seemed 
to  take  away  all  sameness  of  appearance. 

At  one  time  we  passed  great  herds  of  the  white  cattle,  looking  as 
free  as  the  plains  which  they  stepped  over  so  proudly ;  then  large 
flocks  of  sheep,  and  then  swine  in  almost .  countless  numbers. 
Every  now  and  then,  too,  droves  of  horses  swept  by.  In  another 
part  we  entered  on  a  country  still  more  desolate,  with  immense 
marshes  stretching  out  on  every  side,  and  nothing  of  life  except 
countless  flocks  of  wild  birds ;  cranes  and  ducks,  and  "  divers" 
among  the  reeds,  there  on  a  bank  a  vulture  tearing  some  carrion  to 
pieces,  and  now  and  then  the  bald  eagle  or  the  hawk  filing  heavily 
by  us,  scarcely  any  of  them  stirring  at  our  approach — a  lonely,  deso- 
late scene  enough,  a  part  of  those  immense  marshy  districts  in  Hun- 
gary, whose  drainage,  under  an  efficient  agriculture,  would  reclaim 
so  much  good  land,  and  which  now  are  the  causes  of  such  deadly 
fevers  and  diseases.  Beyond  this  we  traversed  a  pleasanter  tract, 
where  the  Indian  corn  and  the  rape-plant,  with  its  yellow  flower, 
and  the  green  wheat,  filled  the  view  on  every  side,  with  now  and 
then  the  green  acacias  and  shrubbery  of  a  farm-house  looming  up 
like  an  island  in  the  distance,  and  the  tall,  dark  figure  and  white 
head  of  the  stork,  stepping  daintily  along  in  the  grass,  showing  the 
neighborhood  of  houses.  This  bird,  by  the  way,  no  peasant,  man 
or  boy,  will  ever  shoot,  and  you  see  his  nests  on  almost  every  gable 
end  in  some  of  the  villages.     Many  of  the  peasants  believe,  it  is 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  187 

said,  that  if  the  stork  is  shot,  an  evil  spirit  would  come  at  night 
and  put  a  firebrand  in  the  thatch. 

It  added  to  my  interest  in  all  this  ride,  to  remember  that  these 
grand  plains,  this  half  nomadic,  half  agricultural  life  here,  was  the 
cradle  and  the  nurture  of  the  Hungarian  race ;  a  race  destined  yet, 
as  we  hope,  to  take  a  no  mean  place  among  the  nations  of  Europe. 
It  seemed  to  me  I  could  see  the  explanation  of  the  peculiarities  of 
the  people  as  I  passed  through  these  plains.  Their  free,  generous, 
magnanimous  nature,  seemed  the  natural  result  of  this  open,  free 
life,  where  their  bodies  were  invigorated  by  the  healthiest  pursuits, 
and  where  there  were  none  of  the  intense,  selfish  struggles  of  a  more 
civilized  life.  Their  beautiful  poetry  of  feeling,  their  exaggeration, 
which  comes  before  one  all  the  while,  appeared  more  consistent 
with  this  grandeur  of  scenery,  this  vastnoss  of  view  everywhere. 
Their  Oriental  hospitality  and  dignity  of  manner,  their  Oriental  fire 
too,  and  sudden  listlessness,  was  characteristic  of  this  nomad  life 
and  this  climate  of  sudden  extremes. 

In  my  conversation  with  all  the  common  classes,  I  had  con- 
stantly observed  a  certain  coarseness  of  expression,  and  it  struck  me 
here  that  this  was  only  another  of  those  traits,  which  from  the  time 
of  the  Jews,  downwards,  have  been  the  peculiarities  of  a  Nomadic 
people. 

Their  religion  too,  their  reverential  Monotheism,  I  might  call  it ; 
their  awe-struck  worship,  which  even  the  wild  Csikosses,  or  cattle- 
drivers,  show  when  they  enter  the  churches;  which  appears  in  all 
of  their  popular  poetry,  called  up  to  mind  the  solemn  and  lofty 
Monotheism  of  the  Jewish  shepherds  among  their  flocks,  or  the 
simple  adoration  of  "the  one  God,"  among  the  Arab  herdsmen  in 
their  deserts.     Is  there  indeed  something  in   this  life,  amid  flocks 


188  ORIENTAL    TRAITS. 

and  herds,  on  the  grand  plains  and  under  the  clear  starry  heavens, 
which  tends  to  a  more  realizing,  simple  worship  ? 

Such  were  my  thoughts  as  I  rode  along  ;  and  whether  they  were 
correctly  founded  or  not,  certain  it  is,  that  this  people  is  essentially 
an  Oriental  and  Nomadic  people,  with  none  of  the  peculiar  charac- 
teristics which  mark  all  the  families  of  nations  in  Europe,  if  we 
except,  perhaps,  the  Celtic.  The  Hungarian  is  no  merchant.  The 
Jews  and  the  Germans  have  already  taken  all  the  "  business"  of  the 
country,  almost,  into  their  own  hands.  His  place  is  either  with  the 
flocks  and  on  the  farms,  or  in  political  life,  to  which  circumstances 
have  trained  his  race  so  long.  He  is  no  dweller  in  the  mountains. 
The  whole  mountainous  barrier  of  his  land  is  occupied  by  other 
tribes.  He  loves  the  plain,  the  life  with  his  horse,  the  easy  work  on 
level  grounds,  the  tending  of  animals.  But  in  clearing  the  hill-sides, 
in  making  his  mountains  inhabitable,  in  penetrating  the  wild  dis- 
tricts, he  has,  thus  far,  done  little. 

His  very  villages  have  a  tent-like  aspect — houses  of  but  one  story, 
pitched  here  and  there,  as  his  fathers,  the  Huns,  or  some  Asiatic 
tribe,  might  have  placed  their  first  tents.  One  would  say  that  the 
race  showed  the  Oriental  indolence  also,  if  one  looked  merely  at  the 
bodily  work  done  by  them. 

But  when  we  consider  the  pertinacity,  the  steadiness,  the  unceas- 
ing activity  with  which,  for  five  centuries,  that  race  has  defended  its 
Constitution,  and  resisted  even  the  slightest  encroachment  of  Aus- 
trian despotism — when  we  remember  how,  in  the  midst  of  tyrannies., 
they  have  built  up  and  maintained,  through  war  and  through 
peace,  through  times  of  enthusiastic  loyalty  and  times  of  rebellion, 
against  flattery  and  against  opposition — a  representative  constitution, 
which,  in  the  completeness  of  its  detail,  in  the  activity  it  inspires, 
forms  one  of  the  best  self-governments  the  world  has  ever  seen,  wo 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  189 

must  admit  that,  in  intellectual  and  moral  respects,  the  race  is  not 
surpassed  by  any  existing,  in  energy  and  perseverance. 

The  higher  classes,  are  lazy  in  work  of  the  hands,  but  not  in  work 
of  the  head.  And  they  have  certainly  shown  in  political  life  the 
same  traits — the  English-like  "  grit"1  and  steadiness — which,  in  other 
circumstances,  would  make  them  equally  successful  in  more  material 
work. 

As  I  continued  on  my  journey,  the  same  wide-stretching  Pusztas 
filled  the  view,  as  before.  Not  the  least  original  feature  of  the 
scene,  to  me,  were  the  tall  peasant-herdsmen  who  were  accompany- 
ing each  herd,  in  the  plains.  All  were  tall,  vigorous  men,  and  as 
they  stood  wrapped  in  their  large  white  sheep-skins,  watching  the 
flocks,  they  seemed  more  like  chieftains  in  the  desert,  than  cattle- 
drivers  or  shepherds.  That  universal  garment,  the  sheep-skin,  forms 
their  only  covering  Summer  and  Winter — and,  rolling  themselves 
in  that,  they  sleep  these  Spring  and  Summer  nights,  safely,  amid 
the  dews  and  rains,  on  the  ground.  Most  of  them  have  a  little 
donkey  with  them,  with  provisions  and  wine,  and  with  this  they 
follow  the  flocks  wherever  they  go.  Each  one,  too,  has  his  little 
body-guard  of  the  long-bodied  white  dogs — the  peculiar  dogs  of 
Hungary.  It  appears  that  in  every  town  and  village,  the  people, 
in  order  to  save  the  expense  of  a  separate  herdsman  for  each  flock, 
unite  and  send  out  their  horses  and  cattle  under  the  care  of  a 
few  of  these  herdsmen,  to  the  Pusztas,  and  leave  them  there  for 
the  Summer. 

The  same  thing  is  done,  too,  with  the  swine  and  sheep.  In  the 
Autumn,  or  when  they  may  happen  to  need  them,  they  are  again 
driven  in,  and  either  killed  or  sold.  The  same  community  of  man- 
agement too  is  applied — I  have  before  remarked — to  their  vine- 
yards. 


190  HUlNGARIAN    ROBBERS. 

These  cattle-drivers  or  herdsmen  have  naturally  a  wild  life  of  it. 
They  live  on  the  Pusztas,  near  Debreczin,  often  the  year  around, 
with  their  herds — and  sometimes  for  weeks  are  scarcely  ever  off 
from  their  horses,  except  to  sleep.  They  have  become  often  a  half- 
savage  race,  yet  with  a  peculiar  romance  and  chivalry  about  them 
which  has  always  made  them  the  favorite  subject  of  the  Hungarian 
popular  poetry. 

Their  wants  are  very  little,  as  they  live  mostly  on  pork-fat,  (.yieck) 
cooked  with  red  pepper,  and  on  wine,  with  sometimes  the  addition 
of  a  stew  of  beef,  in  an  enormous  kettle,  from  which  they  pluck  out 
the  pieces  and  eat  them  half  raw.  Yet,  despite  this,  they  have  fre- 
quently been  the  most  notorious  robbers  in  Hungary — apparently 
robbing  from  the  mere  love  of  the  adventure  of  it,  and  always  taking 
the  rich  as  their  victims.  Their  feats  in  stealing  horses,  in  daring 
attacks  on  wealthy  traders,  are  the  especial  themes  of  the  Hungarian 
ballads,  and  quite  remind  one  of  the  exploits  in  the  Robin  Hood 
ballads  in  English  literature.  These  herdsmen  have  often  formed, 
in  the  distant  Pusztas,  or  within  the  entangled  forests  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Danube,  formidable  robber  bands,  such  that  the  force  of 
law  could  not  easily  reach  them.  It  is  only  within  five  years  such  a 
band  existed  in  the  Bakonyer  Wood,  under  Rosza  Sandor,  which 
defied  all  the  efforts  of  the  local  magistrates,  and  plundered  with 
impunity.  Sob?i,  too,  before  him,  was  equally  famous,  and  equally 
able  to  brave  the  law.  It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  when  the  revolution 
arose,  all  these  robber  bands  offered  their  services  to  the  Hungarian 
Ministry,  and  did  good  and  brave  work,  as  guerillas,  through  the 
war.  I  have  been  with  an  officer  who  was  present  when  Sandor 
came  to  offer  himself  and  his  band  to  Kossuth  as  a  guerilla  corps. 
It  is  said  Sandor  became  quite  as  distinguished  in  his  onslaughts 


- 1  o  s ,  o  r 
1  -1     J  '     Le  Pat 


■ 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  191 

on  Austrian  convoys  as  he  had  formerly  been  in  those  on  peaceful 
travellers. 

The  report  was  in  Hungary,  that  even  now  the  remnants  of  these 
bands,  and  numbers  of  disbanded  soldiers,  had  formed  almost  an 
army  of  marauders,  in  the  Bakonyer  Wood,  near  the  Flatten  Lake, 
so  formidable  that  the  Austrian  military  had  been  utterly  unable  to 
extirpate  them. 

As  I  approached,  in  this  journey,  the  country  around  Debreczin, 
it  became  more  evident  I  was  coming  near  the  great  swine  and  cattle 
market  of  Hungary.  The  droves  of  animals  on  the  plains  increased 
in  number,  especially  of  the  short-legged  breed  of  hogs,  which  they 
call  "  the  Turkish."  This  is  usually  of  a  color  partly  gray  and  partly 
a  reddish  brown,  with  a  mixture,  too,  of  curled  hair  and  bristles  over 
the  back.  An  odd-looking  species,  but  said  to  be  very  tough  to 
their  climate,  and  to  give  a  very  excellent  fat ;  though  not  equalling 
the  fat  of  the  other  species — the  "  Hungarian."  The  trade  in  hogs 
is  by  no  means  an  unimportant  one  in  Hungary,  though  the  swine 
from  Bosnia  and  Wallachia  are  driven  in  on  the  pusztas  here,  so 
much  that  it  is  somewhat  difficult  to  give  the  exact  amount.  The 
number  of  hogs  exported  in  1845  amounted  to  over  350,000,  and 
the  internal  trade  is,  of  course,  much  more  considerable.  The  pecu- 
liar breed  of  sheep,  too,  which  is  found  near  Debreczin,  began  to 
show  itself — a  cross  with  the  Merino — with  long  silky  wool  and 
curious-looking,  spirally-twisted  horns.  The  wool  of  the  Hungarian 
sheep  is  exceedingly  valued  all  through  Eastern  Europe,  and  after 
the  wars  of  Napoleon's  times,  the  very  profitable  exports  of  this 
probably  saved  the  mass  of  the  small  farmers  from  great  cinbarass- 
ments  in  money  matters.  Great  attention  has  been  paid  to  im- 
proving the  breeds. 


192  BREED   OF    HORSES. 

Many  of  the  noblemen  have  devoted  much  labor  to  introducing 
new  varieties,  especially  the  Merino  breed. 

Counts  Kdrolyi  and  Hunyddyi  have  distinguished  themselves  in 
this. 

They  are  indebted  for  the  first  introduction  of  the  Spanish  breeds 
to  the  Empress  Maria  Theresa,  who  was  one  of  the  few  sovereigns 
of  Austria,  that  have  really  labored  for  the  advancement  of  Hun- 
gary. 

The  export  of  wool  before  the  Revolution  averaged  nearly  240,000 
Zentner — or  about  2,880,000  lbs.  yearly.  This  part  of  Hungary 
was  famous  too,  they  told  me,  for  its  genuine  Hungarian  horses  ; 
and  the  plains,  as  I  rode  along,  seemed  certainly  well-stocked  with 
them.  This  breed — quite  as  much  used  by  the  peasants  as  by  any 
— is  directly  descended  from  the  Turkish  and  Asiatic  stock — a  fine- 
limbed,  deep-chested  breed,  though  small,  and  more  adapted  for 
light  cavalry  than  any  very  heavy  work  in  war  or  peace.  Except  in 
the  best  studs,  these  horses  are  almost  always  very  ill-kept,  and  do 
not  give  one  much  promise  of  speed,  as  the  Bauer  tackle  three  or 
four  of  them  abreast  to  the  old  wicker-wagons.  But  they  are  nearly 
always  fleet  animals,  and  are  the  most  enduring  horses,  and  the 
most  toughened  to  heat  or  cold  of  any  breeds  which  they  have  in 
Hungary. 

At  the  close  of  my  journey,  near  Debreczin,  in  the  long  and  hot 
plains  which  surround  it,  it  seemed  to  me  for  some  time  that  I  was 
approaching  a  large  body  of  water — looking  almost  precisely  the 
same  as  the  wide  inundation  on  the  Theiss  which  I  had  seen  further 
west.  I  lay  back  and  watched  it  for  some  time  ;  the  bright  spark- 
ling of  the  water,  the  islands  which  rose  from  the  waves,  and  were 
reflected  in  the  still  surface,  the  shrubbery  on  the  banks,  half- 
covered  with  the  overflow — and  wondered  to  myself  what  it  coul  d 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  19? 

be — whether  that  most  crooked  of  all  risers,  the  Theiss,  had  at  last 
wound  itself  around  here,  and  met  me  again  in  front,  after  I  had 
crossed  it  a  hundred  miles  behind. 

I  mustered  up  my  Hungarian,  and  asked   the  Kutscher  for  the. 
Tisza.     He  pointed,  however,  in  another  direction,  and  I  remem- 
bered that  this  was  probably  that  beautiful  Mirage  of  the  plains,  of 
which  I  had  heard  :    not  one  of  the  least  interesting  features  of 
these  singular  Hungarian  Pusztas. 

9 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 

Debreczin. 

May,  1851. 

As  I  entered  Debreczin,  after  my  journey  over  the  Pusztas,  T  was 
struck  at  once  with  the  singular  appearance  of  the  town.  It  seemed 
as  if  it  might  be  a  city  of  150,000  inhabitants,  for,  as  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  on  every  side,  one  could  see  long  rows  of  buildings,  but, 
though  neat  and  well-built,  scarcely  any  house  was  more  than  one 
story  high,  and  the  streets  were  as  broad  as  in  our  New  England 
villages.  There  was  no  paving  in  the  streets,  and  very  often  none 
on  the  walks.  No  grass,  too,  anywhere,  or  trees,  except  once  or 
twice,  in  the  roads,  so  that  as  you  looked  down  the  roads  between 
the  houses,  you  saw  nothing  but  a  bare  space  of  mud,  reaching  from 
the  fences  on  one  side  to  those  on  the  other.  I  was  comparatively 
dry  when  I  arrived,  and  there  were  only  one  or  two  dangerous- 
looking  pools  in  the  carriage-ways ;  but  in  wet  weather,  I  could 
well  believe  what  they  told  me,  that  the  streets  are  nearly  impass- 
able, with  a  foot  and  a  half  to  two  feet  of  mud  in  them  !  and,  a* 
they  asseverate,  with  such  immense  pools  of  water,  that  wild  ducks 
have  been  seen  swimming  leisurely  about  in  the  streets  of  Debreczin 
city. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  195 

Despite  that  great  extent  of  the  town,  owing  to  the  mode  of 
building  each  house  very  long  and  low.  the  population  only  numbers 
some  55,000. 

As  I  entered,  the  walks  were  swarming  with  sturdy-looking 
peasants,  who  had  come  into  the  market,  and  with  women,  who 
had  been  drawing  water  at  the  fountain  out  of  the  city.  By  a 
curious  chance,  these  all  carry  the  water  in  urns,  made  after  the 
exact  form  of  the  old  Grecian  and  Etruscan  vases — so  like,  that  one 
could  almost  think  he  discerned  the  different  ages  in  the  black 
pottery  A\ith  red  figures,  or  the  red  with  the  black.  They  carry 
these  on  their  heads,  as  the  classic  maidens  did,  or  sling  two  by  the 
handles,  over  their  shoulders,  altogether  in  a  remarkably  picturesque 
style. 

Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  outside  of  Debreczin,  no  stranger 
could  see  the  inside,  without  acknowledging  that  such  genial,  hospi- 
table homes  are  scarcely  to  be  found  in  any  land.  There  is  a 
heartiness,  an  overflowing  hospitality  about  the  people,  such  as 
quite  puts  to  shame  the  colder  politeness  of  the  more  polished 
races. 

The  want  of  taste,  which  is  much  too  visible  throughout  the  city, 
i*  not  at  all  so  apparent  within  the  houses,  which  are  arranged  and 
furnished  often  very  prettily.  Indeed,  there  seems  a  style  of  archi- 
tecture in  many  of  them  quite  peculiar  to  the  place,  what  I  might 
call  the  crypt-style — the  parlors,  or  dining-halls,  are  built  with 
arches  running  up  to  the  centre  of  the  room,  and  supported  on 
low  column,  and  sometimes  on  several  low  columns,  so  that,  with 
the  walls  prettily  painted  With  fanciful  figures,  like  the  old  classic 
walls,  they  make  a  very  picturesque  appearance,  and  are,  besides, 
very  cool   for  their  hot   summers.      It  was  odd  enough,   finding 


196  AGRARIANISM. 

unconscious  classic  imitations  in  the  great  swine  market  of  Hun- 
gary. 

The  appearance  of  the  Dehreczin  population  has  something  in  it 
very  comfortable  and  substantial.  In  all  the  fifty-five  thousand 
there  is  not  a  noble,  but  there  are  no  beggars.  The  wretched-looking 
Wallachs,  or  Raizen,  who  haunt  the  streets  of  Pesth,  are  seldom 
seen  here.  The  great  bulk  of  the  population  are  Bauer,  but  inde- 
pendent, vigorous  fellows,  who  seem  as  if  they  never  had  been,  and 
never  could  be,  under  any  Feudal  domination.  Indeed,  that  is 
the  fact,  as  far  as  their  past  history  is  concerned.  Dehreczin  is  a 
"  free  city,"  and,  as  such,  was  never  liable  to  any  feudal  exactions, 
and  was  represented  as  a  corporation  in  the  Parliament.  Some  of 
the  richest  Bauer  of  the  kingdom  lived  there.  My  friends  showed 
me  several  of  the  finest  houses  of  the  city,  which  had  been  built  and 
owned  by  "Peasants" — that  is,  by  men  deprived  of  all  general 
political  rights,  and  belonging  to  the  same  class  which,  in  the  other 
parts  of  the  country,  were  subject  to  feudal  labor. 

The  prosperity  and  intelligence  of  the  whole  population  seem  to 

have    always  been    very  remarkable.     They  all  agree  there  is  no 

poverty  there,   and  the  Protestant  Bishop  (Sujyerintendent),  who 

knows  the  people  well,  said  to  me,  that,  to  his  knowledge,  there 

were  not  a  hundred  people  in  the  city  who  could  not  read,  and  that 

in  his  diocese,  reaching  over  all  the  country  in  that  neighborhood, 

and  containing  800,000  souls,  there  were  70,000  children  in  the 

schools.     Many  of  them  seemed  to  think  that  the  peculiar  prosperity 

of  Dehreczin  arose  from  a  curious  old  agrarian,  or  rather  Jewish-like 

provision  of  the  law,  that  no  citken  should  own  in  land  more  than 

12"   Joch,  or  about  168  acres.     His  property  in  money  or  houses 

w;     not  limited,  but  this  was  to  be  the  extent  of  his  landed  pro- 

p    ty.     A  sin  ular  provision  to  have  arisen  here,  where  the  ideas 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  197 

either  of  the  Mosaic  landed  law,  or  of  French  Socialism,  were  never 
in  any  way  thought  of.  I  was  curious  to  know  about  the  details. 
It  seemed  to  me  a  great  variety  of  difficulties  would  arise.  Each 
contract  must  be  inspected,  to  know  that  no  more  than  the  legal 
amount  of  land  was  purchased.  There  must  be  clerks  and  books, 
and  a  great  administration,  to  keep  an  exact  account  of  each  man's 
estate.  There  could  be  no  rapid  buying  and  selling,  and  business 
must  be  exceedingly  hampered  by  such  regulations.  Then  what 
was  to  be  done  with  the  estates  which,  by  inheritance,  had  reached 
an  illegal  size  ? 

They  answered — and  I  think  very  sensibly,  as  far  as  their  cir- 
cumstances are  concerned,  that  business  was  impeded,  it  was  true, 
and  that  no  great  fortunes  were  made  there,  but  they  thought  that 
more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  general  comfort  and  contentment. 
People  were  never  very  rich  there,  but  they  were  never  very  poor, 
they  said.  There  were  very  small  landholders  there,  who  could  not 
probably,  in  the  worst  of  times,  lose  all  their  property.  There  was 
very  little  temptation  in  buying  and  selling  land  for  business 
purposes  and  people  lived  more  comfortably  on  the  whole.  They 
had  seen  enough  of  the  evils  of  overgrown  estates,  in  other  parts  of 
TInngary.  As  for  the  administration,  there  was  no  difficulty,  they 
said.  No  purchase  was  legal  which  was  not  made  known  to  the 
town-clerk ;  he  had  the  amounts  of  landed  property  belonging  to 
each  citizen  registered  opposite  to  his  name,  in  a  book  for  the  pur- 
pose, and  the  whole  was  settled  in  a  moment.  If  more  than  his 
legal  share  was  inherited  by  any  person,  the  overplus  accrued  to  the 
city ;  though  where,  exactly,  the  dividing  line  would  fall  in  such 
cases,  whether  across  the  good  acres  or  across  the  bad,  they  did  not 
state.     However,  so  much  for  the  fact  of  Hungarian  "  agrartanismP 

As  another  somewhat  "  Socialistic"  tendency,  I   may  mention — 


198  MANNERS. 

what  I  had  previously  noticed  in  other  parts  of  Hungary — the  plan 
of  feeding  all  their  cattle,  and  raising  their  vines  in  common.  The 
cattle  and  swine,  numbering  many  thousands,  are  driven  out  in  the 
spring — each  marked  with  the  owner's  mark — to  the  prairies 
belonging  to  the  town,  and  are  there  fed  and  taken  care  of  by  the 
cattle  drivers,  at  the  expense  of  the  owners,  till  the  autumn,  when 
they  are  brought  in  and  reclaimed.  Each  person,  too,  who  pastures 
his  cattle  in  this  way,  pays  a  certain  rent  to  the  city.  In  the  same 
manner,  the  vines  are  grown  on  one  common  field,  attended  by  a 
few  vine-dressers  who  are  employed  by  the  whole  body  of  those 
owning  parts  in  the  field.  They  seem  to  have  fallen  into  all  this, 
not  from  any  theory,  but  because  it  happened  to  be  a  convenient  and 
much  cheaper  mode  of  managing  their  affairs.  Of  course  it  all  saves 
a  great  deal  of  labor  and  expense ;  though  how  they  avoid  the 
quarrels  and  disagreements  which  usually  attend  such  partnerships, 
I  did  not  satisfactorily  learn. 

Debreczin  is  not  at  all  an  aristocratic  place,  or  remarkable  for  its 
polished  society  in  Hungary.  Still,  the  manners  of  every  class  of 
people  are  the  most  singularly  courteous  and  polite.  As  I  walked 
through  the  streets  with  the  friend  whom  I  was  visiting,  it  really 
seemed  as  if  he  kept  his  hat  all  the  time  in  the  air.  Not  the  easy 
nod  of  the  English,  nor  our  faint  gesture  towards  the  hat,  even  to 
the  most  common  acquaintance,  but  a  real  waving  of  the  hat  in  the 
air  every  time  he  met  any  one  he  knew.  Even  he  was  forced  to 
confess,  it  would  be  a  great  saving  in  hats  if  they  were  a  little  less 
punctilious.  Whenever,  too,  we  had  called  on  an  acquaintance, 
and  were  taking  our  leave,  the  ceremonies  of  parting  were  really 
burdensome.  First,  we  all  shook  hands  in  the  parlor,  and  wished 
each  other  "  God's  protection,"  as  if  we  were  separating  for  a  long 
journey,  and  the  old  servants  would  come  forward  often  to  kiss  our 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  199 

hands ;  then  the  gentleman  puts  his  arm  under  mine — as  the 
stranger's — a>  if  for  a  half  support,  and  accompanies  us  to  the  door, 
where  the  same  farewell,  with  the  shaking  of  hands,  is  repeated  ; 
tin -ii  we  all  go  on  together  again  to  the  outside  gate  of  the  yard, 
where  we  wave  our  hats,  grasp  hands,  and  finally  bid  adieu. 

This,  it  must  be  remembered,  does  not  seem  at  all  affected,  or 
"  put  on,"  for  the  sake  of  gentility.  It  is  their  mode  of  expressing 
kind  and  hospitable  feelings. 

At  dinner,  too,  after  we  leave  the  table  for  the  coffee,  we  all  bow 
to  one  another,  and  wish  a  solemn  salutation;  and  in  many  families 
the  daughters  come  forward  and  kiss  the  father's  hand. 

Their  salutations,  too,  have  something  dignified  and  oriental  in 
them.  "  God  be  with  you  ! — God  protect  you  ! — God  watch  over 
you/" — instead  of  the  servile  "  Unterthanigster  Diener"  (most 
humble  servant  /)  or  "  Servus  /"  so  much  in  vogue  in  Vienna — 
though  these  are  beginning  to  creep  in,  in  the  most  polished  Hunga- 
rian society.  Wherever  I  went,  having  a  most  unfortunate  black 
European  hat,  never  worn  here,  I  was  at  once  known  as  a  stranger  ; 
but  it  was  pleasant  to  find  even  the  common  peasants  saluting  me, 
{politely,  as  if  in  welcome. 

Through  all  the  Hungarian  society  there  is,  even  in  this  time  of 
national  depression,  a  kind  of  crar/ycration,  I  may  call  it,  of  violent 
expression  of  feeling,  to  which  it  takes  some  time  for  a  stranger  to 
accustom  himself.  There  is  nothing  at  all  like  it  in  European  or 
American  society.  A  natural,  passionate  eloquence,  and  a  kind  of 
outre  mode  of  expressing  their  feelings,  which  would  be  altogether 
out  of  place  and  affected  with  us,  but  which  does  not  seem  at  all 
singular  after  a  little  while  among  them.  I  have  been  in  a  most 
sensible  and  cultivated  family,  where  all  the  ladies  were  dressed  in 
black  for  their  country,  and  where  they  wore  small  iron  bracelets — 


200  MEMENTOES. 

almost  as  heavy  as  handcuffs — on  their  wrists,  in  memory  of  the 
solitary  prisoners  of  Arad  and  Temeswar. 

I  have  seen,  too,  often  in  Hungary,  bits  of  the  brooms  with 
which  Haynau  was  beaten,  brought  over  by  some  one,  put  up  in 
handsome  gold  settings,  and  worn  as  pins  by  the  ladies !  And 
there  is  scarcely  a  family  in  the  country  without  the  little  bracelets 
worked  by  the  Hungarian  prisoners,  and  marked  with  the  first 
letters  of  the  names  of  the  Generals  who  were  executed  by  the 
Austrians,  in  this  way—"  P.  V.  D.  T.  N.  A.  K.  L.  S."— which  can 
also  be  so  read :  "  Pannonia  Vergisst  Deinen  Tod  JVie ;  Als 
Klager  Leben  Sie  /"  (Hungary  forgets  thy  death  never !  As 
accusers  they  shall  live  !)  It  is  a  penal  offence,  by  the  way,  wear- 
ing these  now. 

As  I  said  before,  all  this  would  seem  an  exaggeration  elsewhere, 
but  here,  where  you  know  the  people  have  done  and  suffered  so 
much  in  the  cause  which  they  now  are  commemorating,  you  quite 
forget  the  singularity.  I,  too,  connect  it  with  those  fervent,  eloquent 
tones  with  which  almost  every  Hungarian  speaks  of  his  country's 
wrongs,  and  which  thrill  yet  in  memory  on  my  ear.  It  would  be 
difficult  for  any  one  of  the  cool  Anglo-Saxon  blood  to  credit  the 
instances  I  met  with  constantly  here  of  this  intensity  of  feeling,  on 
political  matters.  It  is  well  known  that  at  the  treacherous  surren- 
der at  Vilagos,  many  of  the  private  soldiers  shot  themselves  through 
the  brain  in  the  bitterness  of  their  despair.  The  number  of  cases 
of  insanity  after  the  Austrian  victory,  beginning  with  that  of  one 
of  their  most  lamented  and  distinguished  leaders  would  be  in- 
credible. 

Does  not  all  this  seem  to  speak  of  a  far  more  passionate,  excita 
ble  nature,  than  anything  which  we  ever  behold  among  our  North- 
ern races  ?     And  it  must  be  remembered,  if  we  would  understand 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  201 

the  Hungarians,  that  this  excitement  and  enthusiasm  for  their 
country  have  been  no  transient,  sudden  gush,  like  the  Italian.  It 
has  flown  on  now  for  many  centuries — even  deeper  and  stronger 
during  their  disasters.  The  almost  dramatic  coolness  and  bravery 
witn  which  the  Hungarians  died  on  the  scaffold  and  the  gallows, 
after  this  late  Revolution,  would  hardly  be  credible.  There  were 
several  instances  of  insanity  previous  to  the  execution,  but  not  a 
solitary  one  of  fear  during  them.  Many  went  forth  before  the  file 
of  soldiers,  with  a  cigar  in  their  mouth.  One  of  the  bravest  of  the 
thirteen  generals  shot  at  Arad,  was  reserved  to  the  last,  while  the 
others  were  executed.  "/  was  always  first  in  the  attack"  said  he, 
"  why  am  I  last  here  V 

I  have  no  doubt,  from  all  which  I  saw  this  year,  that  the  national 
exultation  and  enthusiasm  before  the  Revolution,  as  travellers  say, 
were  altogether  unbearable.  Probably  never  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  unless  during  the  first  years  of  the  great  French  Revolution, 
was  there  seen  such  a  grand  national  excitement. 

An  instance  of  this  peculiarity  of  the  Hungarians,  occurred  to  me 
at  this  time. 

There  wTas  a  large  and  refined  dinner-company  assembled,  of 
people  who  had  travelled  much,  and  were  not  at  all  narrowed  in 
their  ideas  to  the  Hungarian  measure.  We  had  been  chatting 
pleasantly  at  the  meal,  when  suddenly  the  host  arose — a  courteous 
and  dignified  old  man,  with  head  whitened,  and  forehead  furrowed 
by  the  sufferings  of  himself  and  his  family,  in  the  Hungarian  cause, 
and  proposed  the  health  of  "  their  American  guest,"  and  accompa- 
nied it  with  a  speech  ;  I  cannot  remember  it  exactly,  but  he  spoke 
in  deep,  feeling  tones  of  the  sufferings  and  degradation  of  their 
country — of  how  much  they  had  hoped  for  her,  and  how  much  was 
lost — of  the  gloomy  future  for  them  and  their  children,  for  years  to 


202  TOAST    AT    DINNER. 

come.  Then  he  alluded  to  the  exiles — "  Sir,"  said  he,  "  when  our 
countrymen  were  beggared,  and  homeless,  you  Americans  sheltered 
them — you  have  opened  your  houses  to  them — you  have  given 
them  money  and  land — and  most  of  all,  you  have  remembered  that 
they  were  sufferers  in  the  same  cause  with  you — you  have  given 
them  your  sympathy.  May  God  bless  you  and  your  country  for 
this !  I  am  but  an  humble  Hungarian,  but  tell  your  countrymen 
from  me,  that  if  there  is  any  man  in  this  land  who  will  not  open  his 
hearth  and  home,  and  all  he  has  to  the  American  stranger,  he  is 
not  worthy  to  be  called  a  Hungarian  /" 

It  was  the  very  conmany  which  you  would  expect  not  to  show 
any  signs  of  feeling  ;  polite,  accomplished,  nearly  all  "  people  of  the 
world."  Yet  whether  it  was  the  appearance  and  tones  of  the  old 
man,  which  seemed  to  speak  of  the  nameless  sufferings  that  had 
beaten  over  him ;  or  whether  it  was  the  thought  of  the  unhappy 
fortunes  of  their  country  and  of  the  homeless  exiles,  I  could  not 
avoid  noticing,  in  the  solemn  stillness  after  the  speech,  that  the  tears 
were  coursing  down  many  a  cheek. 

When  would  ever  an  Anglo-Saxon  dinner-party,  gentle  or  simple, 
allow  itself  to  be  caught  away,  into  such  an  indulgence  of  feeling ! 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

The  Protestant  Church  in  Hungary. 

On  my  very  first  arrival  in  Hungary,  in  the  spring,  I  discovered 
a  state  af  affairs  among  the  Protestants  so  remarkable,  as  to  excite 
at  once  my  strongest  interest ;  and  such  as  I  knew,  if  well  under- 
stood, would  call  forth  the  deepest  sympathy  from  the  whole  Pro- 
testant Church  of  Europe  and  America. 

All  that  I  then  heard  has  been  confirmed  by  what  I  have 
seen  since  through  the  country,  and  especially  by  what  I  have  ob- 
served  here  in  Debreczin,  the  central  point  of  the  Protestant  influ- 
ence. 1  shall  stop  the  course  of  my  narrative  to  give  some 
account  of  it. 

The  information  first  came  to  me,  in  the  following  manner: 

I  had  had,  among  other  letters,  a  letter  of  introduction  to  a  cler- 
gyman in  Perth,  perhaps  the  most  prominent  preacher  and  orator 
in  Hungary,  at  the  present  time.  Soon  after  reaching  the  city  I 
presented  it  to  him.  He  received  me  in  a  very  friendly  manner, 
but  as  soon  as  he  found  out  my  objects  he  rose  and  came  towards 
me  with  singular  warmth,  and  said  : 

"  You  seem  to  me  like  a  messenger  from  heaven !  It  was  only  a 
9* 


204  DANGER  OF  THE  CHURCH. 

day  or  two  since  we  clergymen  were  consulting  as  to  what  could  be 
d  ■  for  our  Protestant  Church  in  Hungary.  Dkkyou  know,  sir, 
that  the  last  flicker  of  Protestantism  is  going  out  here,  on  these 
Hungarian  plains — and  when  it  is  gone  there  will  not  be  a  glimmer 
of  the  pure  faith  all  through  Eastern  Europe  ?  We  have  had  a 
church  which  has  stood  for  three  hundred  years  under  disasters 
and  persecutions,  but  it  seems  as  if  she  were  going  down  now.  And 
we  do  not  know  what  to  do;  we  are  not  allowed  to  petition  the 
Emperor,  and  even  if  we  should  present  a  petition  it  is  doubtful 
whether  it  would  be  of  the  least  use  to  us,  with  the  present  influ- 
ence which  surrounds  him.  We  had  thought  of  sending  deputies  to 
England  and  America  to  let  the  churches  know  our  great  need,  but 
it  would  be  exceedingly  difficult  for  them  to  obtain  the  permission 
from  the  police  to  go.  And  if  they  did  obtain  it,  it  is  not  probable 
they  would  ever  be  allowed  to  come  back  again.  And  then  our 
means  are  so  small,  and  we  are  so  watched  that  it  will  be  very  hard 
to  carry  out  any  such  plan.  But  it  is  possible,  that  through  you 
we  can  get  the  matter  before  the  American  public.  It  is  almost  our 
last  hope. 

I  listened  with  the  greatest  interest,  and  promised  heartily  to  do 
all  that  I  could. 

The  great  part  for  me  was  to  get  hold  of  the  facts.  Accordingly, 
1  met  for  two  successive  evenings  with  the  clergymen  from  Pesth, 
and  the  neighborhood,  and  they  laid  open  in  detail  for  me,  the 
history  of  the  church,  and  especially  its  present  constitution,  with  the. 
attack  which  the  Austrian  Government  is  making  now  on  its  very 
existence.     The  requisite  documents,  too,  were  given  me. 

My  greatest  regret  is,  that  these  clergymen  cannot  plead  their 
own  cause  in  America.  For  they  are  the  very  men  to  be  loved  by 
our  countrymen.      They  are  peoples-preachers,  emphatically  ;  men 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  205 

of  rich  powers  and  of  cultivation — but  beside  with  a  certain  "  whole 

hearted ue ss"  a  certain  social,  witty  turn — and  a  sturdy  manliness, 
which  do  exceedingly  win  favor  in  our  land.  They  are  men,  too, 
who  would  sacrifice,  and  have  sacrificed  all,  without  a  thought  of 
repining  for  the  great  cause  to  which  they  are  pledged. 

It  might  be  thought,  as  so  little  has  ever  been  heard  of  the  Pro- 
testant Church  of  Hungary,  that  it  had  had  a  very  quiet,  pleasant 
existence,  and  had  escaped  the  storms  which  have  given  such  deep 
root  to  the  other  churches  of  Europe.  But  it  is  not  so.  Whatever 
vigor  it  has,  comes  from  its  struggles  ;  its  whole  history  has  been  a 
history  of  disaster  and  persecution,  of  a  privilege  won  here  by  mis- 
fortune, and  a  liberty  gained  there  by  blood.  It  has  been  far  from 
aid,  in  a  land  whose  Catholic  clergy  are  the  richest  in  Europe.  The 
whole  weight  of  the  Austrian  Government — to  whom  its  every  prin- 
ciple was  odious — has  been  thrown  against  it.  Yet,  despite  all  this, 
the  little  church,  winning  strength  and  simplicity  from  its  trials,  has 
grown  steadily  on,  until  now  it  contains  more  than  three  millions 
of  men,  and  embraces  the  intelligence,  and  virtue,  and  talent  of 
Hungary  within  it. 

The  first  great  guarantee  of  the  rights  of  the  Protestant  Church 
in  Hungary  was  gained  in  1606.  There  had  been  for  two  years  an 
incessant  persecution  against  them  by  the  Jesuits,  and  by  their 
influence  the  Emperor  Rudolph  had  succeeded  in  carrying  through, 
in  the  Hungarian  Parliament  the  resolution  that  "  no  more  com- 
plaints of  Protestants  should  be  presented  to  that  body,"  and  that 
"  the  old  laws  against  heretics  should  be  renewed."  The  result  was 
a  terrible  confusion  through  the  land,  to  such  a  degree  that  one  of 
the  princes  of  Siebenbiirgen,  at  that  time  an  independent  state,  took 
advantage  of  it,  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  Austrian  provinces,  and 
nearly  succeeded  in  breaking  to  pieces  the  monarchy.     Alarmed  by 


y06  TREATIES. 

by  this,  the  Austrian  cabinet  concluded  the  celebrated  "  Peace  of 
Vienna"  of  1606,  according  to  one  article  of  which  "  all  persons  in 
Hungary,  whether  noblemen  or  citizens  of  the  free  cities,  or  soldiers 
in  the  border-guard,"  should  be  allowed  the  free  exercise  of  their 
religion,  and  Protestants  should  have  the  liberty,  as  in  previous 
years,  of  presenting  their  petitions  to  the  Hungarian  Parliament. 

The  security  gained  thus  for  the  Protestant  Church,  however,  did 
not  continue  long.  In  a  few  reigns  another  pupil  of  the  Jesuits, 
Ferdinand  II.,  had  ascended  the  throne,  under  a  solemn  vow,  "  to 
hunt  every  Protestant  from  his  kingdom,"  even  "  if  it  cost  him  his 
crown  and  his  life."  Now  commenced  another  time  of  darkness 
and  suffering  for  this  sorely-pressed  Church.  The  Protestants  were 
robbed,  condemned  without  trial,  in  every  way  despoiled  of  their 
rights,  until  at  length  their  troubles  brought  another  Prince  of 
Siebenburgen  to  their  aid — and  the  "  Treaty  of  Linzv  in  1645, 
was  won  with  the  armed  band  from  Austria,  and,  approved  by  the 
Parliament,  became  one  of  the  laws  of  the  land.  By  this  their 
rights  were  secured  in  the  most  solemn  manner  again,  and  complete 
liberty  of  conscience  was  not  only  granted  as  in  1606,  to  certain 
classes,  but  to  every  class,  "  even  the  peasants  and  all  subjects 
through  the  land." 

The  Protestant  Church  of  Hungary  seemed  at  length  to  rest  on 
a  sure  basis.  But  hardly  twenty  years  had  passed  before  the 
Jesuits  again  commenced  their  workings.  The  teachings  of  Luther 
and  Calvin  were  proclaimed  an  invention  of  the  devil.  Preachens 
were  forced  from  their  office ;  churches  occupied  by  soldiers ;  and 
the  peasants  driven  to  mass  with  the  bayonet;  and  in  1670,  under 
pretext  that  the  Protestants  had  been  implicated  in  a  conspiracy 
which  was  discovered  in  Hungary,  the  whole  Church  was  nearly 
destroyed.     Only  some  twenty  parishes  survived.     The  going  over 


HUNGARY    IN    1861.  2U7 

to  Protestantism  was  treated  as  perjury  by  the  laws  of  the  land, 
and  the  whole  Reformed  Religion  was  utterly  forbidden  in  all  the 
newly-conquered  parts  of  Hungary.  Under  Maria  Theresa's  much- 
praised  government,  these  attacks  continued.  The  "Council  of 
State,"  a  kind  of  "  star-chamber"  was  formed,  and  the  most  severe 
measures  were  constantly  enacted  by  it  against  the  unfortunate 
Protestants.  A  convert  from  Catholicism  was  punished  with  two 
years  in  a  fortress.  Non-observance  of  festivals  was  atoned  for  with 
heavy  fines.  The  Jews  were  utterly  forbidden  to  embrace  the  new 
faith.  Freedom  of  the  press  was  prohibited,  and  Catholic  books 
forced  upon  the  schools.  The  Protestants  were  shut  out  from  all 
offices,  their  institutions  of  learning  closed,  and  their  young  men 
forbidden  to  go  to  foreign  universities ;  everything  seemed  to  forbode 
an  extinction  of  the  weak,  little  sect.  Perhaps  this  might  have 
been  the  result,  but  in  some  way,  the  dreaded  enemy  of  Maria 
Theresa,  the  indomitable  old  Frederic  of  Prussia,  heard  of  their 
sufferings — and,  though  he  always  felt  himself  entirely  at  liberty  to 
ill-treat  the  Protestants  at  home,  as  he  chose,  he  would  never  allow 
other  people  to  abuse  them.  He  wrote  in  consequence  a  stern, 
pithy  letter  to  the  queen,  in  regard  to  her  treatment  of  "his 
brethren,"  which  instantly  produced  a  change  in  the  legislation 
towards  them,  and  gained  them  a  breathing  time. 

Their  privileges,  however,  were  at  length  recovered,  in  the  very 
last  years  of  the  eighteenth  century — and,  what  is  most  remarkable, 
through  the  efforts  of  the  Catholics  of  Hungary  themselves.  Indeed 
it  should  be  remembered  that  the  attacks  on  the  Protestants  have 
scarcely  ever  come  from  their  fellow-countrymen.  The  two 
churches  in  Hungary  have  generally  lived  very  amicably.  The 
hostility  is  from  Vienna. 

All  the  lights  granted   them  by  the  two  former  treaties,  were 


208  ITS    SUCCESS. 

secured  to  them  again  and  firmly  established  by  royal  decree,  and 
by  the  acts  of  the  Parliament  of  1*792.  They  have  passed,  since 
then,  through  other  persecutions,  but  have  safely  weathered  every 
storm, — and  poor  and  small  as  the  sect  is,  it  has  contained  during 
the  last  twenty  years,  the  best  men  of  Hungary  in  talent  and  char- 
acter within  it.  Misfortunes  have  given  it  strength  ;  and  it  is  firmly 
founded  now,  on  the  love  and  confidence  of  the  people.  It  leads 
the  education  of  the  nation,  and  is  the  repository  of  free  thought 
and  pure  morals.  Naturally,  after  such  a  history,  its  deepest  and 
strongest  sentiment  is  a  hatred  of  religious  despotism.  But  its 
trials  are  not  by  any  means  over.  Within  the  last  year  a  blow  lias 
been  aimed  at  the  Church  of  Hungary  by  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment, more  deadly  than  all  the  attacks  through  which  it  has  yet 
passed — an  assault  so  insidious  and  well-directed  that  it  must  make 
every  friend  of  Protestantism  tremble  for  its  very  existence  in  Hun- 
gary. The  mode  in  which  this  attack  was  made  was  through  an 
"Edict"  from  Haynau,  to  the  military  commandants  in  Hungary, 
with  regard  to  "  the  new  forming  of  the  Protestant  Church,"  dated 
February,  1851. 

In  order  to  understand  this  edict,  it  will  be  necessary  briefly  to 
look  at  the  Constitution  of  the  Hungarian  Church,  against  which 
it  is  especially  aimed.  The  whole  Hungarian  people  are  remarkable 
for  one  tendency,  whether  in  matters  of  State  or  Church — a 
tendency  which,  in  my  view,  even  now  in  their  misfortune  gives 
us  hope  for  their  better  future — an  inclination  to  govern  them- 
selves by  representative  assemblies.  Their  Protestant  Church  is 
a  complete  Democratic  and  Representative  system  in  its  govern- 
ment, more  so  than  any  Church  in  Europe  except  the  S  ttish. 
It  is,  however,  peculiar  in  its  Constitution,  uniting  charact  ristics 
both  of  our  Congregational  and  Presbyterian  Churches. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  209 

Every  church,  or  parish,  chooses  its  own  preacher,  appoints  his 
salary,  dissolves  connection  with  him  when  it  chooses,  and  manages 
its  parish  schools  in  the  most  truly  Congregational-like  manner. 
Yet  above  it  is  a  series  of  representative  .assemblies  which  have  even 
a  legal  power  over  its  movements.  First  comes  the  assembly  of  I  he 
Seniorate,  composed  of  the  preachers  from  several  neighboring 
churches,  together  with  delegates  from  the  congregations.  This 
decides  upon  certain  school  and  parish  affairs,  and  is  presided  over 
by  two  members,  chosen  from  themselves,  a  Senior  and  Curator. 
Above  this  again,  is  the  assembly  of  the  "  Superintendents,"  the 
highest  church  convention,  which  decides  upon  all  the  most  import- 
ant matters  before  the  National  Church. 

The  "  Superintendent"  is  a  kind  of  Protestant  bishop,  presiding 
over  many  "  Seniorates,"  and  having  the  oversight  of  several  hun- 
dred thousand  souls.  His  duty  is  to  visit  the  various  parishes  under 
his  charge,  to  examine  the  candidates  for  the  ministry,  and  to  keep 
watch  over  the  morals  of  the  clergy.  I  have  called  him  a  "  bishop," 
still  it  must  not  be  supposed  he  has  anything  of  the  pomp  or  luxury 
of  a  prelate  about  him.  He  is  usually  paid  two  to  three  hundred 
dollars  a  year  for  travelling  expenses,  but  otherwise  must  be  at  the 
head  of  a  congregation,  and  perform  the  usual  duties  of  a  clergyman. 
As  far  as  I  have  known  the  "  Superintendents,"  they  are  generally 
men  of  talents  and  wide  influence,  but  in  their  mode  of  life  extremely 
humble  and  simple.  They  ara  chosen  almost  directly  from  the 
people.  This  "  Assembly  of  the  Superintendents"  is  composed  also 
of  men  sent  directly  by  the  congregations  as  delegates,  and  is 
presided  over  again  by  two  members,  one  a  Superintendent,  and  the 
other  the  "  Upper  Curator."  And  here  we  must  call  the  attention 
of  the  reader  to  one  very  singular  provision  of  this  Constitution,  in 
which,  perhaps,  it  differs  from  any  other  Church-constitution  existing. 


HO  LAY    MEMBERS. 

The  Hungarians,  as  is  natural,  after  such  a  history  of  suffering  under 
ecclesiastical  tyranny,  have  a  deep  and  abiding  dread  of  priestly  rule. 
Accordingly,  they  have  established,  that  in  every  church,  every 
assembly,  every  council,  there  should  be  certain  men,  appointed  from 
the  laity,  to  aid  in  guiding  the  proceedings,  and  especially  to  take 
charge  of  the  monetary  matters.  In  consequence,  every  Assembly 
of  the  Seniors,  every  Convention  of  Superintendents,  every  church- 
meeting,  has  its  two  presiding  officers — clergyman  and  layman, 
the  latter  usually  having  the  title  of  Curator  or  Inspector. 

The  Constitution,  as  we  have  sketched  it,  is  somewhat  modified 
in  different  parts  of  the  land,  under  the  somewhat  different  forms  of 
Lutheran  and  Reformed.  The  choice  of  the  preacher  has  come 
often  to  be  determined  almost  by  the  approval  of  the  "  Assembly  ;" 
the  assemblies  themselves  have  a  greater  or  less  proportion  of  lay 
members — still,  in  its  main  principles,  the  Constitution  is  the  same 
through  the  whole  countiy.  Under  it  the  Hungarian  Church  has 
thrived.  Laity  and  clergy  have  worked  well  together;  and  the 
referring  of  everything  to  the  people,  the  constant  use  of  representa- 
tive bodies,  has  given  a  life  and  energy  to  it — a  sense  of  personal 
responsibility,  such  as  is  scarcely  known  in  any  other  Church  of 
Continental  Europe.  It  is  the  same  Church-system  which  has 
nourished  the  incessant  mental  activity,  and  the  free  character  of 
the  Scottish  race.  It  was  a  like  system  which  trained  the  founders 
of  our  Republic,  and  prepared  the  New  England  men  for  a  wider 
range  of  "  self-government."  Is  it  to  be  wondered,  if  the  Hun- 
garians cling  to  this  Church-constitution  as  the  surest  pledge 
of  success  to  their  principles — as  the  life  and  support  of  their 
religion. 

At  this,  most  wisely,  the  tool  of  Austrian  tyranny  and  Jesuitism 
has  aimed  his  attack. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 
Attack  ox  the  Hungarian  Protestant  Church. 

The  edict  of  "  Field  Marshal  General  Haynau  "  opens  as  follows : 
— "  Guided  by  the  purpose  of  aiding  to  do  away  with  the  mournful 
condition  in  which  the  Protestant  Church  of  Hungary  has  been 
placed  by  the  misuse  of  their  offices  on  the  part  of  certain  overseers 
of  said  Church ;  and  with  the  view  of  rendering  it  possible  to  the 
parishes  of  this  Church  to  use  the  rights  secured  to  them  by  the 
Constitution  during  the  state  of  siege,  I  have  decided  to  enact  the 
following  ordinances  : — 

"  1.  That  the  functions  of  the  General  Inspector  and  the  District 
Inspectors,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Curators,  are  to  be  considered  at 
an  end. 

Let  this  be  noticed.  Tne  laity,  who  in  the  whole  history  of  the 
Hungarian  Church  have  shared  in  its  deliberations,  are  now  to  be 
excluded.  Put  who  are  to  take  their  place  ?  We  give  in  answr 
"<  Ordinance  IT.,"  somewhat  condensed,  however. 

"II.  Inasmuch  as  the  holding  of  elections  for  the  unoccupied 
places  of  Superintendents,  as  well  as  that  of  any  other  election,  is 
illegal  during  the  continuance  of  the  state  of  siege,  and  yet  as  it  is 


212  EDICT. 

0 

desirable  that  trustworthy  men  should  be  placed  over  the  parishes, 
/  hereby  will  summon  certain  men  to  these  places,  who,  under  the 
name  of  '  Administrators,'  and  in  company  with  certain  reliable  men, 
shall  conduct  the  government  of  the  Church." 

The  ordinance  is  simple  enough,  and  does  not  sound  so  dan- 
gerous. But  it  is,  in  effect,  with  one  stroke  of  the  pen,  dashing  out 
the  whole  self-governing  system  of  the  Church  of  Hungary  ;  all  the 
Church-assemblies,  all  the  District-conventions,  all  the  Parish- 
meetings  are  at  an  end,  for  an  election  for  any  of  these  bodies  is 
"  illegal  during  the  continuance  of  a  state  of  siege."  The  highest 
officers  of  the  Church  are  to  be  replaced  by  men  chosen  by 
a  brutal  soldier, — himself  but  the  instrument  of  the  Jesuits.  And 
these  new  governors  of  the  churches  are  to  consult, — not  with  lay- 
men selected  by  the  people, — but  "  with  reliable  men,"  whom  he 
shall  see  fit. to  choose  !  The  whole  is  a  complete  destruction  of  the 
great  principle  of  their  Constitution — a  principle  sanctioned  by  three 
separate  and  solemn  treaties,  and  won  after  three  centuries  of 
suffering  and  struggle.  We  do  not  wonder  that  the  cry  went 
through  Hungary,  of  fear  for  their  Church.  "  A  drawn  sword," 
exclaims  one  writer,  "  in  the  Protestant  Church  of  Hungary !  Christ 
our  Lord  put  under  a  state  of  siege  /" 

We  pass  on,  however,  to  the  other  ordinances  of  the  edict : 

Ordinance  III.  provides  that  the  Administrators  and  their 
assistants  from  the  laity,  are  to  lay  all  their  public  plans  and  mea- 
sures before  the  consideration  of  the  military  Commandants  of  the 
Districts,  and  that  all  the  Church  and  School  funds,  formerly  con- 
trolled by  the  "  Assemblies,"  are  now  to  be  under  their  direction, 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  said  Commandants. 

Ordinance  IV.  makes   it  necessary  in   every   meeting  of  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  213 

Churches  for  consultation  which  may  in  future  take  place,  that  a 
military  official  should  be  present. 

Ordinance  V.,  in  view  of  the  poverty  of  the  Protestant  churches, 
enacts  that  these  Overseers  and  Administrators  shall  be  paid  by  the 
State.  We  pass  over  the  remaining  ordinances  as  unimportant, 
except  the  eighth.  This  impresses  it  on  all  the  newly-appointed 
officers  of  the  Chiu'ch,  that  the  great  and  especial  object  with  the 
Government  now  is  "  to  form  a  closer  union  on  every  side  between 
State  and  Church? 

The  edict  closes  in  the  following  manner : — "  I  expect  from  these 
men  (i.  e.  Administrators  and  Curators),  who  at  once  on  their  nomi- 
nation are  to  enter  on  the  discharge  of  their  offices,  a  careful  and 
zealous  performance  of  their  duty,  at  the  same  time  furthering  the 
views  of  the  Government  and  the  religious  good  of  their  congrega- 
tions, for  which  they  will  lay  a  solemn  'pledge  in  the  hands  of  the 
Commandant  of  the  District" 

"  Head- Quarters,  Pesth,  February   10,  1850. 

"  From  the  Commander-in-chief  of  the  third  army  for  Ilungary 

and  Siebenburgen. 

"  Haynau,  F.Z.M." 

"We  beg  the  reader  attentively  to  consider  this  edict,  perhaps  the 
sentence  of  death  to  the  old  Church  of  the  Hungarians — a  Church 
for  which  they  and  their  Fathers  have  given  their  blood  and  their 
toils  so  long. 

It  opens  with  a  reproach  at  the  "  mournful  condition"  of  the 
Protestant  Church.  It  is  true,  as  all  the  Hungarians  allow,  that 
their  Church  is  poor  and  weak,  for  it  has  been  plundered  too  often 
by  Jesuit  and  oppressed  by  Austrian,  to  allow  it  the  opportunity  of 
gaming  any  great  wealth  or  power.      Put  if  it  is  meant  that  it  is 


214  EFFECTS    OF    EDICT. 

"  weak"  in  its  moral  influence,  in  its  hold  upon  the  affections  of  the 
people,  in  its  power  over  the  conscience  and  the  life  of  the  nation, 
they  utterly  deny  the  charge.  They  point  to  the  statistics  of 
morality  in  the  Protestant  parishes,  as  an  evidence  of  its  influence. 
They  point  to  the  fact  that  all  the  principal  institutions  of  educa- 
tion are  in  its  hands,  and  that  Protestant  young  men  are  everywhere 
employed  as  teachers  in  Catholic  families,  and  that  the  attendance 
upon  churchly  exercises  and  the  interest  in  the  Church,  was  never 
greater  than  now.  The  edict  hints  too  at  "  the  misuse  of  their  offices 
by  certain  of  the  overseers  of  the  Church."  No  one  can  deny  that 
many  of  the  Protestant  clergymen  headed  the  resistance  of  the  nation 
against  Austrian  tyranny.  For  this  they  have  atoned  at  the  gal- 
lows or  on  the  scaffold.  But  the  Church  itself,  as  a  body,  has 
never  taken  any  part  whatever  in  this  struggle.  And,  furthermore, 
what  Baron  Ilaynau  has  carefully  forgotten,  the  offer  of  a  Protestant 
Hungarian  Ministry,  in  1848,  "  to  unite  the  Church  more  closely 
with  the  State,"  they  opposed  as  unwaveringly,  as  they  do  that  of 
the  Jesuit-Austrian  Cabinet,  now. 

It  will  be  seen,  that  by  Baron  Haynau's  plan,  the  Church  utterly 
loses  every  right  for  which  it  has  struggled  for  three  hundred  years 
— lights  guaranteed  by  repeated  treaties,  and  established  by  the 
very  Austrian  Constitution  of  1848,  to  which  he  himself  appeals. 
All  its  elections  for  church  offices  are  at  an  end  ;  all  its  Representa- 
tive Assemblies  are  dissolved,  and  even  in  every  Council  of  the 
Church  for  spiritual  improvement,  a  soldier  must  be  present  as 
Censor.  The  highest  officers  of  the  Church  are  tools  of  a  Jesuit 
ministry,  and  before  entering  on  their  religious  duties  must  receive 
the  secret  instructions,  and  lay  their  pledges  in  the  hands  of  military 
authorities.  The  guards  which  the  Hungarians  have  preserved  so 
long  against  priestly  despotism,  are  thrown  down,  and  their  officers 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  213 

from  the  laity  are  to  be  henceforth   appointed   by  the  clergy,  who 
are  themselves  the  creatures  of  the  Government. 

More  than  this,  all  the  public  funds  of  churches  and  schools,  are 
to  be  under  the  control  of  a  military  board,  and  every  Church 
officer,  under  the  new  regulations,  is  to  be  in  the  pay  of  the  Aus- 
trian Government. 

Add  to  this  an  order  which  has  appeared  within  three  or  four 
months  from  the  "  Ministry  of  Instruction"  in  Vienna,  completely 
changing  the  form  of  the  Protestant  schools,  forcing  the  books  and 
the  teachers  recommended  by  Government  upon  them,  enacting 
that  all  the  public  institutions  which  do  not  make  the  required  out- 
lay of  money  shall  be  at  once  degraded  and  lose  their  privileges— 
and  is  it  not  all  enough  to  make  one  fear  for  the  very  existence  of 
Protestantism  in  Hungary  ?  If  these  orders  are  thoroughly  carried 
out,  the  Hungarian  Protestant  Church  either  becomes  Catholicized, 
or  is  made  into  a  mere  police  institution  of  Austria.  All  life  and 
voluntary  energy  are  destroyed.  Its  spiritual  leaders  are  only  the 
agents  of  a  Catholic  Cabinet,  and  its  young  men  bred  up  under  the 
teachings  of  Rome.  Is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  if  the  Church  of 
Hungary,  now  in  its  time  of  utmost  need,  utters  its  despairing  cry 
for  help,  to  its  brethren  in  all  lands  ?* 

Remember,  ye  in  America,  of  whatever  religion— ye  who  love 
free  thought,  and  who  labor  to  spread  free  institutions,  what  it, 
means,  to  Catholicize  Hungary  !      It  is  to  crush  and  extinguish  the 

*  Let  no  one  take  consolation  from  the  fact  that  all  these  ordinances  are 
given  for  a  "  state  of  siege."  The  Government  journals  of  Vienna  openly 
assert  that  it  will  need  many,  very  many  years,  before  "  martial  law"  can 
he  removed  from  Hungary.  And.  as  I  believe,  it  will  never  be  removed 
until  that  day  of  God  shall  dawn,  which  shall  restore  Hungary  and  the 
oppressed  of  Europe,  everywhere  to  their  rights. 


216  THE   DAGGER. 

last  hope  of  a  better  Future  for  that  generous  nation.  It  means  to 
introduce,  not  the  Catholicism  of  America,  or  of  France,  or  of  Eng- 
land, but  the  lying  Jesuitry,  and  the  Freedom-hating  Catholicism 
of  Vienna  and  of  Naples.  It  means  to  utterly  blot  out  the  old 
Church  Constitution,  which  for  so  long  has  cherished  and  nourished 
independent  thought. 

And  you,  Protestants  of  America,  whose  ancestors  have  won  in 
toil  and  suffering  the  same  privileges  which  the  Hungarians  now  are 
losing  ;  you  who  know  their  value,  who  know  that  the  cause  of  a 
pure  Faith,  and  the  hope  of  a  better  time  for  Humanity,  depend  on 
these  principles, — have  you  nothing  now  to  do,  or  speak  for  your 
brethren  in  their  sore  and  trying  need  ?  Christ's  cause  calls  to  you 
from  Hungary  ! 

And  you,  clergymen  of  my  country,  whose  glory  and  whose 
power  it  has  ever  been  in  America,  that  you  have  stood  first  in  the 
struggle  for  religious  and  civil  liberty, — remember  that  your  breth- 
ren, "  the  Puritans,"  the  Protestants  of  Hungary,  are  in  the  heat 
and  burden  of  the  contest  which  you  have  finished.  The  surges  of 
attack  are  beating  over  them,  and  they  must  have  your  aid  soon  or 
never.  With  their  downfall,  with  the  ruiu  of  Protestantism  in 
Hungary,  goes  out  the  last  glimmer  of  a  pure  faith  in  Eastern 
Europe. 

The  expression  of  our  sympathy  to  the  world  can  do  something ; 
the  offer  of  our  means  and  money,  more.  It  can  help  build  up  the 
two  Protestant  universities,  which  have  been  utterly  sacked  and 
plundered  during  the  war  ;  it  can  aid  to  restore  the  hundred  and 
more  churches  entirely  stripped  of  their  means  by  the  Austrians  ;  it 
can  enable  the  Protestants  so  to  regulate  their  schools  that  even  the 
extortionate  demands  of  the  Government  can  find   no  pretext  to 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  217 

abolish  theru.  Xo  nation  of  the  earth  has  so  generous  a  reputation 
as  the  American.  Their  sympathy  is  published  to  the  world,  for 
anfortunate  Hungary.  What  better  opportunity,  practically  and 
peacefully,  to  manifest  it  ? 


10 


CHAPTER  XXYII. 

Debreczin  and  the  Neighborhood. 

May,  1861. 
I  have  spoken  before  of  the  peasants  of  Debreczin.  Among  all 
the  sturdy,  indomitable-looking  men  of  this  class  whom  I  have  seen 
in  Hungary,  these  seem  to  me  the  most  free  and  unbroken  by  the 
circumstances  about  them.  As  I  walked  about  among  them,  I 
could  well  believe  what  they  all  told  me,  that  it  needed  only  a  very 
little  to  rouse  them  into  a  terrific  outbreak  against  the  Austrian 
Government.  They  are  that  class  of  men  whom  disasters  only  seem 
to  harden  and  toughen.  And  there  is  a  love  of  the  battle,  of  rough 
struggle  amongst  them  which  would  make  them  very  formidable 
soldiers,  in  case  of  another  contest  for  Hungary.  Yet,  with  all  this 
I  was  utterly  surprised  at  the  preparations  of  the  Government 
against  the  danger.  In  this  city  of  Debreczin,  with  its  55,000 
inhabitants,  containing  the  most  turbulent  independent  population  in 
all  Hungary,  where,  in  twenty-four  hours,  an  army  could  be  collected 
from  the  adjoining  country  of  60,000  of  the  best  soldiers  of  Europe, 
every  one  vigorous  and  hardy,  they  have  stationed  only  two  regi- 
ments— some  thousand  men — of  weakly-looking  Italians,  mostly 
themselves   Revolutionists,  who  would  not  stand  an  hour  against 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  219 

an  equal  number  of  Hungarians.  It  seemed  very  strange  to  me, 
and  for  a  -while  I  could  not  understand  it.  The  Austrians  probably 
(rust  in  the  apparent  prostration  of  the  nation,  and  in  their  utter 
want  of  arms.  But  these  Bauer  with  their  pitchforks  would  sweep 
such  enemies  away.  The  great  reason,  probably,  lies  in  that  wide 
fact,  which  is  the  only  omen  of  good  in  this  time  of  depression  and 
tvranny  through  Austria,  namely,  the  impossibility  of  sustaining 
such  a  vast  system  of  "Wrong.  It  can  be  extended  to  a  certain  point, 
but  it  is  beginning  now  to  weigh  dowrn  itself.  Innumerable  props 
can  be  made,  and  skill  can  long  uphold  it,  but  there  is  a  limit  where 
the  laws  of  nature  begin  to  assert  their  power  again.  The  govern- 
ment can  bring  Croats  to  Italy,  Hungarians  to  Bohemia,  Austrian 
Poles  to  Vienna,  Italians  to  Hungary,  and  thus  long  preserve  the 
people  and  soldiers  separate,  and  oppress  the  one  through  the 
stupidity  of  the  other.  But  this  system  has  its  limit — thank  God. 
They  have  not  forces  enough,  to  make  just  the  political  equivalents 
which  shall  neutralize  free  action  and  thought.  They  have  taken 
so  many  soldiers  for  Bohemia,  that  they  have  not  enough  foreigners 
for  Hungary  ;  or  they  have  stripped  Italy  to  guard  Vienna.  They 
cannot  find  men  enough,  of  the  right  kind,  to  garrison  the  most 
dangerous  city  of  Hungaiy.  I  know  nothing  which  has  given  me 
such  an  insight  into  the  weakness  of  the  Austrian  system,  as  the 
appearance  of  these  few  soldiers  in  the  old  Hungarian  Capital. 

Debreczin,  as  I  have  said,  is  not  at  all  aristocratically  inclined ; 
yet  there  are  some  among  the  people  who  belong  to  the  "  Old 
Conservatives,"  and  it  may  bo  interesting  to  detail  something  of  my 
experience  with  them. 

May — "  I  have  been  visiting  to-day  Mr.  C,  an  old  gentleman, 
and  a  friend  to  the  Government  party.  As  all  the  others,  he 
lamented  politely  that  I  had  chosen  this  period  for  visiting  Hungary. 


220  CONSERVATISM. 

The  country  was  not  to  be  recognized.  Every  one  depressed  or 
impoverished,  and  matters  apparently  becoming  worse  every  day 
He  thought  the  Government  had  an  exceedingly  difficult  task. 
There  was  no  one  to  advise  them,  or  even  scarcely  to  aid  them,  in 
the  administration  of  the  country.  The  old  aristocratic  Nobility 
were  offended,  and  had  refused  to  take  office. 

"  The  only  officials  were  either  worthless  Hungarians  or  foreigners, 
who  wished  perhaps  to  do  well,  but  did  not  understand  the  charac- 
ter of  the  people.  He  could  not  see  what  would  be  the  result  of  it 
all,  but  the  present  condition  must  change.  The  taxes  too,  he  said, 
were  becoming  heavier  every  day,  and  were  generally  laid  very 
injudiciously,  so  as  most  to  embitter  the  people. 

"  The  Ministry  seemed  to  have  failed  in  every  measure :  and  if 
their  object  is — though  he  could  not  believe  it — to  impoverish  all 
the  small  landholders  among  the  former  nobility,  and  then  intro- 
duce a  new  population,  he  thought  they  would  fail  in  that  too. 

"  There  was  no  confidence,  either  here  or  in  foreign  lands,  in  the 
measures  of  this  Ministry.  All  the  German  immigrants,  who  had 
been  brought  in  by  the  Government,  had  returned  exceedingly 
disappointed. 

"  The  only  possible  help  for  Hungary  was,  he  thought,  to  apply 
the  Austrian  Constitution  of  the  4th  of  March  to  the  country ;  and 
allow  them  provincial  representatives,  who  might  know  something^ 
of  the  wants  of  the  nation." 

I  called  about  this  time  also,  on  a  landholder,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Debreczin — one  of  the  genuine  "  Old  Conservatives,"  who  had 
formerly  held  property  in  the  feudal  labor  of  Bauer.  He  took  the 
same  discontented  view  of  things  as  the  gentleman  mentioned 
above,  hut  was  disposed  to  lay  more  of  the  blame  on  Kossuth. 
"  They  had  a  moderate  freedom  before  the  Revolution,"  he  said, 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  221 

"  They  had  better  have  held  by  that,  and  not  risk  all  ou  the  chance 
for  more.  Kossuth  was  a  dreamer,  and  had  hurried  the  people 
further  than  they  meant,  with  his  wild  plans ;  he  ought  never  to 
have  proclaimed  independence  from  Austria,  and  then  we  should 
not  have  had  Russia  upon  us."  "  Look  too,"  said  he,  "  at  this 
abolishing  of  the  Robot  (feudal  labor).  The  mass  of  us  are  with- 
out a  Kreutzer  in  return,  and  many  beggared  by  it." 

I  found  that  this  gentleman,  like  many  others,  had  met  the  diffi- 
culty by  giving  up  farming  himself,  and  leasing  his  estates  to  those 
who  once  were  his  Bauer.  It  was  so  expensive  and  troublesome, 
now,  hiring  labor,  that  he  preferred  just  to  settle  down  as  a  land- 
lord among  tenants  than  keep  his  former  patriarchal  position.  Of 
course,  on  those  estates  where  his  peasants  had  occupied  his  land,  as 
it  were,  on  a  perpetual  lease,  paying  rent  in  feudal  labor  of  so  many 
days  in  the  year  (the  ansassige  Bauer  or  "  Rustici"),  he  had  lost 
all  when  the  labor  was  declared  no  longer  obligatory.  But  it  hap- 
pened that  most  of  his  Bauer  were  Inquilini  and  Subinquiliin 
(cotters  and  lodgers),  that  is,  they  only  possessed  house  and  garden, 
or  even  only  a  part  of  a  house.  In  consequence,  when  the  feudal 
work  (the  Robot)  was  abolished,  he  only  lost  the  labor — not  much 
land  with  it. 

Some  of  his  old  Bauer,  especially  in  Siebenbiirgen,  would  not 
work  for  any  inducement,  he  said.  "  They  were  landholders  now ; 
why  should  they  be  doing  other  men's  work  V  they  would  say! 
Besides,  all  they  wanted  was  a  sheep  skin  for  cloak  and  coat,  a  little 
Speck  (pork-fat),  and  their  Indian  corn  and  wine,  and  tiny  could 
"  raise"  all  that  on  their  own  little  farms.  It  did  not  appear  from 
his  account  that  they  were  lazy  ;  but  that  they  would  rather  work 
for  themselves  than  for  other  people. 

I  always  took  the  opportunity — wherever  it  was  possible — whilo 


222  A    VILLAGE-JUDGE. 

in  Hungary,  to  got  acquainted  with  the  peasants.  They  are 
shrewd  fellows,  however,  and  unless  they  know  their  man,  they  do 
not  have  much  to  say,  except  on  general  matters.  There  was  a 
settlement  of  Bauer  near  Debreczin,  which  some  of  my  friends 
knew  very  well,  and  we  all  went  together  to  visit  it. 

The  appearance  of  the  village  was  precisely  what  I  have  men- 
tioned before — every  house  neat  and  well  whitewashed,  but  the 
aspect  of  the  whole  bare  and  uncomfortable.  If  they  only  would 
understand  that  planting  a  few  treec,  or  even  sowing  a  little  grass  in 
the  streets,  would  cost  them  no  trouble,  and  would  make  pleasant 
village  roads,  instead  of  the  impassable  slough  through  which  tra- 
vellers flounder  now  ! 

We  went  first  to  see  the  village  J  udge,  who  is  the  leading 
Bauer.  He  was  not  at  home,  though  we  saw  him  afterward.  I 
used  to  think,  sometimes,  they  must  choose  these  peasant-judges 
from  their  dignified,  manly  appearance.  At  least,  they  are  the 
finest-looking  men,  usually,  one  sees  among  the  lower  classes.  This 
man  must  have  measured  six  feet  three  in  his  stockings  ;  and  as  he 
stood  wrapped  in  his  large  blaek  sheepskin,  with  powerful  muscular 
frame,  keen  dark  eye,  aquiline  features,  and  long  grey  hair,  brushed 
behind  his  ears,  he  looked  more  like  a  chieftain  of  the  Puszta  than  a 
peasant. 

After  a  short  time  with  him,  we  went  to  one  of  the  common 
Bauer,  as  1  wished  to  see  a  common  peasant's  house.  Like  all  the 
rest,  this  cabin  was  surrounded  with  a  small  hedge,  woven  of  reeds, 
which  seemed  no  kind  of  protection  against  their  long-legged  cattle. 
The  house  itself  was  one  of  the  common  mud-houses,  whitewashed 
and  thatched  with  reeds. 

Our  peasant,  with  the  usual  retinue  of  snarling  white  dogs,  came 
out  of  his  garden  to  welcome  us ;  and,  though  nothing  could  have 


HUNGARY    IN    1851-  223 

been  probably  more  unexpected,  he  ied  us  into  the  best  room  with 
as  much  ease  as  any  gentleman  could  have  done.  lie  started  at 
once  to  bring  wine  for  us,  but  we  would  not  let  him,  and  telling  him 
our  object  was  to  see  his  house,  he  showed  us,  without  any  kind  of 
unwillingness,  what  there  was  in  it.  There  were  only  three  rooms, 
one  each  side  of  the  door,  and  a  hall,  with  the  usual  altar-like  fire- 
place, between  them.  One  room  is  his  bedroom,  the  other  the 
parlor,  and  the  hall  is  the  kitchen.  Behind  the  fireplace,  there 
were  long  rows  of  the  best  crockery  set  out. 

They  could  have  had  no  time  to  prepare  anything,  yet  all  the 
rooms  were  exceedingly  neat.  The  bedroom  had  only  a  mud  floor, 
but  very  dry  and  hard;  and  filled  up  as  it  was  with  bright  clothing 
and  beds,  and  the  immense  white  pyramid  in  one  corner,  it  had 
quite  a  comfortable  air. 

This  "  pyramid,"  like  those  in  the  cottages  near  the  Theiss, 
is  an  "  air-tight  stove,"  made  of  mud  and  white-washed.  All 
the  treasures  of  their  wardrobe  were  in  this  room  of  our  host's. 
The  sheep-skins,  and  beautiful  wool-cloaks,  and  red  and  blue  hand- 
kerchiefs, and  red-boots,  and  the  long  boots  with  spurs.  The 
prettiest  article  of  all,  however,  in  which  the  Hungarians  of  all 
classes  used  to  delight,  the  short,  decorated  cloak  (the  dolmany) 
falling  from  one  shoulder  gracefully,  and  fastened  with  a  cord  and 
tassel,  is  forbidden  now. 

The  whole  Hungarian  race,  without  doubt,  has  something  of  an 
Oriental  fondness  for  gay  clothing ;  and  it  used  often  to  be  saidi 
before  the  Revolution,  that  many  a  Bauer's  wages  and  poor  gentle- 
man's whole  fortune  were  laid  out  in  gilt  and  embroidery.  In  all 
their  degradation,  too,  the  Bauer  have  always  preserved  something 
of  a  cavalier  dress  and  bearing.     As  one  sees  them  even  now,  often 


224  TALK    WITH    PEASANT. 

with  their  long,  curling  mustaches   and  jingling  spin's,  they  remind 
one  much  more  of  old  hussars  than  of  serfs. 

It  was  quite  interesting  to  notice  in  the  hest  room  of  our  peasant 
— a  very  comfortable  room  by  the  way,  with  a  good-board  floor — 
a  portrait  of  an  old  Prince  of  Siebenbilrgen.  They  say  that  I  will 
find  such  portraits  in  all  the  cottages  of  the  peasants  through  this 
village,  and  that  the  memory  of  that  Prince  is  most  affectionately 
cherished — with  reason  too,  for  more  than  three  centuries  ago  he 
freed  these  villages,  in  return  for  some  service  rendered  him,  from 
all  feudal  labor  in  future ;  so  that  from  that  time  to  this,  though  not 
enjoying  the  privileges  of  the  nobility,  they  have  entirely  escaped 
from  all  Robot  duties  and  eveiy  feudal  exaction  whatever. 

I  was  glad  to  see  in  this  cottage  too,  as  one  sees  generally  in  the 
peasants'  houses,  a  well-used  Bible  and  Hymn-book. 

After  examining  things  to  our  content,  we  fell  into  quite  a  long 
conversation  with  the  peasant.  He  had  served  twice,  at  Kossuth's 
order,  he  said,  and  he  hoped  to  again.  If  the  times  continued  as 
bad,  he  should  want  to  emigrate.  They  were  all  slaves  now.  He 
would  rather  leave  the  dear  "  Magyar-land"  forever  than  see  it  as  it 
is  now. 

I  asked  him  about  his  own  circumstances — whether  it  was  harder 
to  live  since  the  revolution  ? 

Yes,  he  said,  taxes  were  very  heavy  indeed,  and  everything 
was  dearer — still,  they  could  get  along — that  was  not  the  worst,  but 
they  could  not  be  slaves  to  these  Austrians.  For  his  part,  he  would 
rather  be  even  in  America,  where  they  must  work  so  hard,  than  in 
beautiful  Hungary,  if  it  was  to  become  Austrian  in  this  way. 

The  words  which  the  man  said  were  such  as  one  hears  every- 
where from  the  peasants,  but  the  manner  was  so  eloquent  and 
earnest,  that  no  one  could  listen  to  him   without  feeling  it.     The 


HUNGARY  IN  1851.  22S 

misfortunes  of  Lis  country  seemed  really  to  depress  him,  and  his 
deep  emotion  for  Hungary  came  the  more  impressively  from  a  per- 
son of  his  manly  and  soldier-like  bearing. 

There    is    an    almost  exaggerated   idea  in  Hungary   about   the 
practical  character  of  us  Americans  ;  and  all  who  wish  to  emigrate, 
oven  from  the  wealthiest  families,  think  that  they  must  learn   to 
work  with   their  hands,  if  they  would  live  in  America.     No  one, 
they  often  say,  is  respected  in  America  without  work.      I,  for  one, 
have   not   discouraged    the  idea   among   them.      It   is  well  that, 
in   coming   to   a   new    country,   they   should  be   prepared   for    a 
hard,   rough  life.     Headwork  may  come  afterward,  but   the  only 
work  in  which  the  Hungarians  can  make  themselves   respected  and 
useful,  for  years  to  come,  with  us,  must  be  work  with  the  hands. 

I  have  known  scores  of  gentle  families  in  Hungary  educating 
their  children  in  some  practical  trade  or  labor,  with  a  view  to  emi- 
gration. 

There  is  very  little  doubt,  that,  if  the  Austrian  Government 
would  grant  passports,  there  would  be  at  this  moment  hundreds — 
yes,  thousands — of  families  preparing  to  cross  to  America. 

The  peasants  often  speak,  like  this  man,  of  their  desire  to  emi- 
grate, but  there  is  little  probability  that  any  of  this  vigorous  class 
will  ever  reach  our  shores ;  and,  perhaps  it  is  as  well  that  they 
should  remain  by  Hungary. 

There  came  before  me,  here  again  in  Debreczin,  one  of  those 
carious  legends,  among  the  lower  peasantry,  with  regard  to  Kossuth 
— this  time  too  among  the  Wallachs. 

The  Emperor  of  Austria — so  went  the  story — had  just  invited  all 
the  Kings  and  Princes  to  a  grand  Assembly,  in  a  hall  lighted  by  a 
new  and  splendid  lamp.  They  were  to  talk  over  the  affairs  of 
Hungary,  and  what  must  be  done  with  the  laud.     There  were  many 


226  ANECDOTES. 

different  opinions,  and  at  length  they  said,  they  would  call  in 
Kossuth,  to  see  what  he  would  udvise.  He  came  in — and  as  soon 
as  he  saw  the  hall  and  the  lights — he  stood  up  and  with  loud  voice, 
said : 

"  My  Lords !  The  first  thing  for  you  to  do,  is  to  put  out  those 
lights  !     Your  lives  depend  on  it !" 

They  could  not  understand  it,  but  they  ordered  the  lights  on  the 
splendid  lamp  to  be  put  out — and  then  Kossuth  showed  them  what 
the  lights  were.  He  broke  each  one  open  and  there  in  the  midst, 
was  gunpowder — and  in  a  few  moments  more,  they  would  have 
blown  up  the  whole  Assembly  in  the  air.  Seeing  what  a  wise  man 
he  was,  and  how  he  had  found  out  the  cunning  wickedness  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  they  all  offered  Kossuth  at  once,  any  thing  he 
would  ask — one  said,  gold — another,  jewels — another  promised  him 
the  place  of  Prime  Minister. 

But  Kossuth  refused  all  these  things — and  after  they  had  all 
•finished,  he  said : 

"  My  Lords — I  wish  nothing  for  myself !  I  have  enough.  All 
which  I  ask,  is  that  you  would  do  something  for  poor  Hungary  ! 
Help  my  Fatherland  to  be  free  from  Austria !"  and  the  Princes 
and  Kings,  and  Emperors,  promised  that  they  would ! 


There  was  a  characteristic  story  too  going  the  rounds  here,  about 
one  of  the  Hungarian  peasants  which  I  must  not  forget. 

It  appears  a  peasant  had  disliked  the  new  "  tobacco-law"  (a  law 
making  the  sale  of  tobacco  a  Government  monopoly)  so  much, 
that  he  had  burned  his  seed,  rather  than  plant  any. 

Some  of  the  spies  discovered  it — and  he  was  summoned  before 
the  Military  Court.     A  few  questions  were  asked,  when  with  that 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  227 

stupid  air,  the  shrewd  Bauer  knows  so  well  how  to  assume,  he  said : 

"  Your  honors  will  forgive  me — but  I  am  a  poor  ignorant  peasant 
— may  I  ask  a  question  ?" 

"  Yes,  speak  on." 

"  I  have  heard,  your  Honors,  that  you  have  made  a  very  generous 
Proclamation  to  us  peasants.     Is  it  true,  your  Honors  ?" 

"  Yes,  yes — why  ?" 

"  And  is  it  true,  that  His  most  gracious  Majesty  has  promised  us 
he  will  protect  us  in  our  property  ?  Is  it  all  true  about  that 
Proclamation,  how  you  have  come  to  keep  our  property,  and  not 
take  it  away  ?" 

"  Yes — certainly — why  do  you  ask  ?" 

"  Well  your  Honors,  I  am  very  glad — and  I  shall  always  love 
His  Majesty  for  it.  Now  your  Honors — do  not  be  angry  with  a 
poor  peasant — but  was  not  this  tobacco-seed  my  property  ?  Have 
not  I  a  right  to  do  what  I  choose  with  it  ?  Cannot  I  burn  it  and 
will  you  not  '  protect'  me  ?" 

It  is  said, — though  I  will  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  part  of  it 
— that  the  Court  dismissed  the  man,  at  once,  in  disgust  at  such 
stupidity. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

The  Nobles  of  Hungary. 

Some  writer  lately  in  The  London  Times,  signing  himself  an 
u  Engineer,"  says  that  he  had  under  his  employ,  while  building  the 
suspension-bridge  at  Pesth,  about  "  1,500  Hungarian  Noblemen? 
breaking  stone  and  laying  piers !  I  have  no  doubt  he  might  have 
done  so !  Nothing  could  show  better  the  incorrectness  of  the  term 
"  Noble,"  as  applied  to  the  privileged  class  of  Hungary.  "  Free- 
men? would  be  a  much  more  appropriate  name — or  in  other 
words,  the  "  Nobility"  were  all  those  who  had  come  to  be  allowed 
by  law  certain  privileges  of  voting  and  holding  property,  which  the 
other  classes  did  not  have.  They  might  be  boot-blacks  or  hostlers, 
or  stone-cutters,  but  as  long  as  they  belonged  by  descent  to  this 
class,  they  enjoyed  its  privileges,  and  were  "  Nobles,"  as  the  Ger- 
man writers  call  them.  There  would  be  an  equal  propriety,  how- 
ever, in  calling  all  those  in  our  own  country  having  the  privileges  of 
voting  and  holding  office,  "  Nobles,"  and  those  deprived  of  them — 
foreigners,  negroes,  women,  &c. — "  Serfs." 

The  first  great  privilege  of  the  freeman  of  Hungary  was,  that  he 
could  never  be  imprisoned  on  suspicion.     In  every  trial,  till  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  229 

sentence  was  pronounced  upon  him,  his  person  was  to  be  sacred. 
The  only  exception  were  cases  of  highway  Jobbery,  perjury  of  office- 
holders, and  high  treason. 

No  freeman  could  ever  be  imprisoned  too  for  debt,  or  punished 
with  corporeal  punishment ;  and  appeal  was  always  allowed  him  to 
the  highest  court. 

Till  the  great  victory  gained  by  Kossuth's  party  in  1836,  no 
person  out  of  this  class  was  allowed  personally  to  bring  any  accusa- 
tion against  a  freeman,  but  must,  if  a  citizen,  do  it  through  the  city 
corporation,  or  if  a  tenant,  through  his  landlord. 

Besides  the  person  of  the  freeman  being  made  inviolable,  his 
land  was  almost  equally  protected.  No  one  but  a  member  of  his 
class  could  purchase  his  landed  estates,  or  have  the  power  of  exer- 
cising feudal  rights  over  his  tenants.  All  his  property  was  secured 
from  the  usual  taxes — from  all  tithes  to  the  clergy  or  government, 
and  from  payments  of  rates  or  contributions.  No  tolls  besides 
could  ever  be  demanded  of  him  on  bridges  or  highways.  His 
house  and  his  estates,  too,  could  never  be  burdened  with  the  quarter 
of  soldiers  upon  them.  In  regard  to  his  movable  property,  he  had 
the  right  to  dispose  of  it  as  he  chose  ;  but  in  his  inherited  estates  be 
was  utterly  checked  and  controlled  by  the  law  of  entailment 
(Avicitaf),  which  secured  them  to  his  family,  and  gave  his  descen- 
dants the  privilege  of  reclaiming  a  pawned  estate,  300  years  after 
the  time  of  the  contract. 

To  this  class  of  freemen,  even  when  embracing  men  of  the  lowest 
position,  belonged  almost  exclusively  all  political  rights.  Only  they 
could  vote  for  members  of  the  National  Legislature,  or  for  any 
county  or  district  officers.  In  all  assemblies  for  settling  the  taxation 
of  the  people,  for  regulating  the  matters  of  internal  government,  for 
choice  of  magistrates  and  judges,  this  class  alone  had  a  Voice.     No 


230  CASTES. 

one,  too,  but  a  "  freeman"  could  be  chosen  a  representative  to  the 
Parliament,  or  appointed  Governor  (Obergespan),  of  a  Comitat,  or 
even  be  made  a  District  Judge.  In  former  times,  too,  even  the 
highest  places  in  the  Catholic  Church  were  only  open  to  this  class. 

A  more  unjust  and  annoying  distinction  of  castes  than  this,  as  it 
appears  on  paper,  scarce  ever  existed.  That  one  class,  not  neces- 
sarily in  any  way  superior  in  education  or  wealth,  or  refinement, 
should  utterly  control  the  administration  of  the  country,  in  which 
they  formed  but  an  unimportant  part ;  that  those  who  never  paid 
the  taxes  should  appropriate  them,  and  that  those  who  made  most 
use  of  the  benefits  of  the  Government,  should  be  obliged  to  give 
nothing  for  its  support,  was  a  system  so  unreasonable  and  oppres- 
sive, that  nothing  could  in  any  way  have  preserved  it  by  itself  for  a 
o-reat  length  of  time. 

One  would  expect,  too,  the  worst  practical  results  from  such  a 
division  of  classes,  as  this  in  the  old  Hungarian  Constitution.  How 
could  roads  ever  be  built  or  improvements  made  in  a  land  where 
the  class,  which  most  used  them,  must  do  nothing  for  their  support ! 

How  could  business  be  transacted  with  any  ease,  when  all  the 
capital  vested  in  land  was  almost  forbidden  to  be  exchanged? 
What  opportunity  could  there  be  ever  for  the  great  mass  of  the 
people  to  rise  when  one  favored  class  holds  all  offices,  controls  every 
branch  of  the  administration,  is  entitled  alone  to  be  the  voters,  the 
representatives,  the  judges,  and  even  the  jurymen  of  the  country ; 
when  it  has  all  the  benefits  of  government,  and  throws  on  other 
classes  the  burdens  ? 

There  is  no  doubt  that  these  would  have  been  tremendous  evils 
if  they  had  existed  in  reality,  as  they  do  on  the  pages  of  the  Consti- 
tution. In  fact,  they  were  bad  enough  as  they  did  come  forth  in 
practice;  but   their  influence  was  exceedingly  modified  by  other 


HUNGARY   IN    1851.  231 

causes.  In  the  first  place,  this  class  of  privileged  persons,  though 
belonging  to  all  grades  of  society,  were  in  general  the  most  able, 
brave,  and  intelligent  part  of  the  community. 

More  than  this,  the  division  was  not  made  solely  according  to 
nationality  or  separate  descent,  as  there  are  probably  80,000  Slavo- 
nian, Wallachian,  and  German  "  freemen,"  and  on  the  other  hand 
several  millions  of  Magyars  not  belonging  to  this  class. 

The  number,  too,  of  this  class  is  to  be  considered,  as  distinguish- 
ing it  from  any  other  "  aristocracy"  which  has  ever  existed. 

In  1785,  according  to  Fenyes,  there  were  over  325,000  of  this 
privileged  caste.  In  1842,  he  reckons  that  in  a  population  of 
11,178,288 — excluding  Siebenbiirgen, — there  were  nearly  550,000  ; 
or  nearly  every  twentieth  person  a  freeman. 

According  to  the  latest  statistics  of  Hungary,  there  would  be  pro- 
bably, in  every  fourteen  inhabitants,  one  "  freeman."  This,  of 
course,  diminishes  the  immense  inequality  of  this  distinction  of 
castes — as  if  one  considers  in  every  country  the  very  few  who  are 
allowed  to  enjoy  political  rights,  compared  with  those  deprived  of 
them,  such  a  setting  apart  of  one  class  in  Hungary  loses  something 
of  its  enormity. 

It  is  calculated  that  in  England  about  one  in  twenty-four  is  a 
voter,  or  very  nearly  the  same  ratio  as  formerly  in  Hungary — iu 
Belgium,  a  Constitutional  Monarchy,  one  in  about  fifty ;  in  France, 
under  Louis  Philippe,  one  in  one-hundred  and  eighty ;  at  present 
the  ratio  is  about  one  in  six.  In  the  United  States,  the  ratio  must 
be  about  one  in  eight. 

The  best  counterbalance,  however,  of  all  to  the  bad  influence  of 
this  class-distinction  was  in  the  number  of  Free  Communities  which 
had  sprung  up  under  various  causes  in  all  parts  of  the  land.  It  will 
be  remembered,  I  have  already  spoken  of  large  tracts  of  country  in- 


232  THE  COUNTER  BALANCE. 

habited  solely  by  peasants,  where  every  man  for  hundreds  of  years 
has  enjoyed  all  the  political  privileges  of  the  "  Freemen,"  though 
never  coming  nominally  into  that  body. 

Take,  for  instance,  the  large  and  populous  districts  of  the 
"Jazyges"  and  "  Cumanians,"  of  which  I  have  already  spoken — or 
those  of  the  " Haiducks" — or  the  Szechlers  in  Siebenbiirgen.  All 
these  are  not  considered  "-Freemen ;"  are  obliged  to  pay  toll  like  the 
peasants  ;  are  not  secured  in  property  or  person  any  more  than  the 
rest  of  the  people ;  yet  they  have  all  their  own  independent  admin- 
istration, vote  for  their  own  officers  and  judges,  and  send  their  own 
members  to  the  Parliament.  In  like  manner,  the  cities  were  nearly 
all  independent,  self-governing  communities,  though '  belonging, 
apparently,  to  the  class  deprived  of  political  rights.  In  this  way, 
has  arisen  a  most  vigorous,  independent  body  of  men,  not  belonging 
to  the  favored  class,  and  yet  not  at  variance  with  them,  inasmuch 
as  they  have  their  own  good  rights,  and  are  quite  contented  with  • 
them. 

It  should  besides  be  remembered,  that  as  this  old  feudal  distinc- 
tion of  caste  has  been  preserved,  so  have  also  the  feudal  burdens  on 
the  "Freemen." 

They  are  indeed  free  from  all  common  taxation,  but  they  are 
liable  to  extraordinary  contributions  to  their  feudal  lord,  the  King. 
They  are  not  obliged  to  render  any  petty  services  to  the  State,  but 
they  can  be  called  out,  at  the  summons  of  the  King,  to  do  military 
duty,  and  at  their  own  expense.  These  were  no  light  burdens,  and 
in  time  of  frequent  war  would  quite  equal  those  which  were  laid,  in 
the  shape  of  usual  taxation,  upon  the  other  classes  of  the  nation. 

For  instance,  in  the  Levy,  (or  Insurrectio,  as  it  is  called),  of 
1809,  there  were  17,000  cavalry,  and  22,000  infantry,  called  out 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  233 

by  the  Emperor  from  this  class ;  and  a  war-tax  laid  upon  them  of 
15,000,000  florins  (about  seven  and  a  half  million  of  dollars.) 

The  last  great  Levy  was  made  in  the  wars  of  Napoleon,  when  his 
Brmy  was  threatening  Vienna  with  that  rapid  march  down  the 
valley  of  the  Danube.  The  expenses  of  the  campaign  were  always 
obliged  to  be  defrayed  by  the  whole  body  of  the  Freemen  ;  though? 
if  called  out  of  Hungary,  they  were  to  be  paid  at  the  King's 
expense. 

Yet,  with  all  that  can  counteract  the  evil  influence  of  this  most 
unjust  and  injurious  system,  I  own,  from  my  experience  of  the 
country,  I  am  surprised  not  to  have  found  more  bad  effects. 

I  have  discovered,  in  all  my  intercourse  with  every  class,  in  the 
Hungarian  people,  no  violent  separation  of  different  castes. 

I  have  found  the  peasant  and  the  citizen  loving  their  Fatherland, 
and  ready  to  give  up  all  for  it,  quite  as  much  as  the  most  privileged 
of  the  "  Freemen."  The  sacrifices  in  the  war,  the  voluntary  contri- 
butions of  property  and  lives,  came  quite  as  much  from  the  lower 
classes,  or  those  shut  out  from  political  privileges,  as  from  the 
higher. 

The  hopes,  the  longing  unspeakable  for  Hungary's  deliverance, 
which  the  oppression  of  centuries  to  come  will  not  extinguish, 
exists  quite  as  much  .in  one  body  of  the  people  as  another. 

I  have  not  either  observed  the  jealousy  of  different  grades  of 
society  which  I  might  have  expected,  or  the  hauteur  and  law- 
lessness one  would  anticipate  from  a  condition  of  life  like  this  of  the 
privileged  class.  The  only  exceptions  to  this  are  in  the  feelings 
of  the  whole  nation  toward  the  nobility  (the  Mdgnaten,)  and  in 
their  general  bearing  and  intercourse  with  the  people.  Hut  these 
form  only  an  unimportant  part  of  the  nation,  and  are  not  to  be  con- 
fused at  all  with  the  large  class  of  the  privileged  "  Freemen." 


234  NO    JEALOUSY. 

Much  of  the  present  harmony  and  good  feeling  of  the  nation  is 
undoubtedly  due  to  the  common  sufferings  of  all.  They  have  all 
together  struck  for  freedom,  and  have  failed.  And  those  who  once 
possessed  the  privileges  and  enjoyed  the  highest  rank  in  the  State, 
have  not  suffered  the  least  in  the  cause.  The  best  and  the  highest 
of  the  old  favored  caste  are  driven  into  exile,  or  have  fallen  on  the 
scaffold.     The  noble  and  the  peasant  mourn  in  common. 

But  the  great  and  sufficient  explanation  of  this  is  in  the  spirit  and 
the  works  of  that  great  party  which  Kossuth  led  for  so  many  years, 
in  the  course  of  progress  and  reform. 

For  nothing  did  Kossuth  labor  more  perseveringly  and  fearlessly 
than  the  utter  abolition  of  these  feudal  distinctions. 

The  people  know  this  ;  they  know  the  objects  of  this  Reform- 
party  ;  they  know  what  would  have  been — indeed,  what  was — 
bestowed  upon  them  in  the  Revolution  ;  they,  as  all,  must  see,  that 
the  tendency  of  such  a  struggle  was  inevitably  to  a  Republic,  and 
the  equalizing  of  all  classes  ;  and,  therefore,  they  have  no  sentiment 
of  jealousy  toward  any  one  class  of  society,  or  any  feeling  of  separa- 
tion in  interests  from  those  who  once  possessed  alone  the  political 
privileges  in  Hungary. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

University  at  Debreczin. 

Debrezcin  is  very  well  known  in  Hungary  as  the  place  of  educa- 
tion fur  nearly  all  the  principal  men  of  the  nation  holding  the 
Protestant  faith. 

There  are  two  prominent  universities  in  the  country — one  at 
Pesth,  mostly  under  Catholic  and  Austrian  influence,  and  this  at 
Debreczin,  entirely  Protestant  in  its  character.  Besides  these,  there 
are  several  institutions  in  various  parts  of  the  land,  corresponding  to 
our  small  colleges,  and  most  of  them  under  Protestant  guidance. 
It  is  one  of  the  most  favorable  indications  for  the  inward  force  of 
the  Protestant  faith  in  Hungary,  when  one  considers  the  immense 
wealth  and  power  opposed  to  it,  that  it  has  won,  step  by  step,  such 
immense  influence.  The  Education  of  the  Nation  is  entirely  in  its 
hands. 

This  University  in  Debreczin  had  once  a  very  full  complement  of 
students,  some  six  or  eight  hundred  I  think.  At  present,  there  are 
not  more  than  two  hundred,  regularly  attending  lectures.  Most  of 
tin-,  students  and  professors  had  joined  the  ranks,  and  met  the  fate 
of  the' other  Hungarian  patriots.     It  was  very  curious  in  going  over 


236  "SOLDIER-PROFESSORS." 

the  Institution  and  making  the  acquaintance  of  the  professors,  to 
find  men  quietly  teaching  chemistry  or  mechanics,  who  had  led  the 
fiery  sally  from  Komorn  against  Raah,  or  had  served  the  cannon  in 
the  battle  against  the  Russians  at  Debreczin.  They  showed  to  me 
one  calm,  spiritual-looking  chorister  in  the  college-choir,  who  had 
been  the  best  cannonier  by  far  in  the  Debreczin  battle. 

The  buildings  for  this  University  are  quite  large  and  substantial 
— in  part  of  stone — the  best  in  interior  Hungary.  Within  them, 
among  other  rooms,  is  a  common  hall,  with  plain,  wooden  seats, 
used  as  the  college  chapel,  which  is  destined  perhaps  yet  to  be  the 
most  interesting  historical  spot  in  Hungary.  For  in  this  room  in 
1849  was  the  first  proposition  made  for  declaring  Hungarian  Inde- 
pendence— the  complete  separation  of  the  nation  from  the  House 
of  Austria.  My  friends  showed  me  the  place  where  Kossuth 
addressed  the  Assembly,  and  described  the  burst  of  enthusiasm  with 
which  his  speech  in  favor  of  declaring  the  national  independence 
was  received.  The  act  was  consummated  with  much  solemnity  on 
the  29th  of  April,  1849,  in  the  great  Reformed  Church  of  De- 
breczin, before  both  Houses  of  Parliament. 

I  have  met  some  in  the  country  of  the  "  Old  Conservative" 
party,  who  look  on  that  resolution  of  the  National  Assembly  as  a 
premature  step,  and  the  beginning  of  their  misfortunes,  and  who 
say  that  that  measure  committed  the  people  irrevocably  to  a  war 
with  all  the  Absolute  Powers.  It  is  well  known  that  Gorgey  always 
condemned  this  declaration. 

I  found  that  my  friends  in  this  institution  had  the  same  fear  with 
regard  to  the  Catholic  influences  at  work  in  Vienna  which  I  had 
heard  expressed  elsewhere. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  237 

While  I  was  examining  the  buildings  of  this  college  at  Dehreczin, 
one  day,  rny  friends  proposed  to  me  to  go  into  one  of  the  halls, 
where  the  students  were  about  to  sino-  some  national  sono-s  ! 

I  followed  them,  and  quite  unexpectedly  found  myself  in  a  large 
concert-hall,  before  a  crowd  of  people,  who  welcomed  me  with  an 
Eljen  !  which  made  the  walls  ring  again.  At  the  other  end  of  the 
room  was  a  full  choir  of  students.  It  appeared  my  friends  wished 
to  give  me  a  little  pleasant  surprise,  and  had  prepared  this  concert 
of  the  Hungarian  music  for  the  purpose.  The  choir,  composed  of 
men  and  boys,  was  remarkably  well  trained ;  and  they  evidently 
sang  with  an  excitement  and  interest  unusual. 

The  songs  were  mostly  of  Hungary — her  beauty  and  glory,  their 
love  and  devotion  to  her,  and,  with  the  plaintive  tone  peculiar  to 
Hungarian  music,  seemed  darkly  foreboding  future  calamity  to  her. 
Without  doubt,  the  presence  of  one  from  that  nation  who  had  wel- 
comed the  Hungarian  exiles,  and  had  alone  sympathized  with  her 
cause,  gave  a  reality  to  their  expressions  of  feeling,  which  nothing- 
otherwise  could.  And,  as  the  deep  voices  swelled  and  thrilled  over 
the  «vords  which  spoke  of  their  "  beautiful  Fatherland,"  their  lovo 
unquenchable  for  her,  their  "  hopes  with  her  to  die,"  I  could 
scarcely  restrain  my  tears.  I  seemed  to  be  listening  to  the  Jews 
singing  "  the  songs  of  Zion  in  a  strange  land."  And  at  length  as 
the  chorus  of  their  favorite  song, 

"  Zu  deinem  Vaterland  bleib, 
Unerschutterlich  treu  /" 

''To  thy  country  remain 
Unshakingly  true !" 

arose,  and  swelled,  and  was  echoed  again  and  again,  with  passionate 
tone  and    tearful  eye,  from  every  man  and  child   in   the  room,   it 


23S  A    CONCERT 

seemed  to  me  tnat  they,  in  this  time  of  their  country's  gloom  and 
misfortune,  were  sending  forth  hy  the  stranger,  to  other  lands,  their 
vows  of  unshaken  fidelity  and  love. 

Nearly  all  the  Hungarian  airs  open  in  a  low,  plaintive  measure, 
and  gradually  increase  in  force  and  wildness  as  they  go  on.  This 
plaintive  tone  through  nearly  all  the  Hungarian  music,  and  even  in 
the  sound  of  the  language,  as  it  first  strikes  upon  the  ear  of  the 
stranger,  is  very  remarkable.  I  have  often  sat  listening  in  the 
drawing-rooms,  to  the  songs  or  the  conversation,  and  wondered 
whether  there  was  not  something  ominous — prophetic — of  the 
future  of  the  nation,  in  this  tone  of  sadness  so  peculiar  to  the  Hun- 
garian. It  is  very  strange  and  interesting  to  the  traveller,  every- 
where in  Hungary,  to  observe  how  these  national  songs  are  remem- 
bered and  sung.  In  many  places  they  are  forbidden,  but  the 
people  will  sing  them.  I  remember  that  in  one  family  I  heard  a 
young  lady  sing  one  of  these  songs  with  such  an  extreme  enthusiasm 
that  I  had  apprehensions  for  a  little  while  she  was  becoming 
insane. 

Among  the  airs  which  I  heard  at  this  concert,  some  of  the-  best 
were  connected  with  the  most  unmeaning  words.  There  is  one 
celebrated  air,  with  a  singularly  beautiful  though  somewhat  mono- 
tonous refrain,  beginning 

"  Hortobagy  puszta !" 

where  the  only  idea  which  I  could  find  conveyed  was 

"  Over  the  prairie, 
Over  the  prairie, 

Blows  the  wind !" 


HUNGARY    IN    1S.11.  239 

The  life  on  the  pusztas,  or  prairies,  and  the  adventures  and  loves 
of  the  Csikosses,  or  half-wild  cattle-drivers  upon  them,  seemed  to 
form  one  of  the  most  favorite  themes  in  these  airs.  # 

After  the  concert  was  over,  I  expressed  my  thanks,  and  turned  to 
go  out,  when  I  found  a  long  lano  opened  in  the  crowd,  through 
which  I  passed,  under  vociferous  Eljens,  looking  as  meekly  as  a 
modest  man  could  at  such  an  unexpected  reception. 

As  I  said  before,  I  found  my  black  European  hat  very  conspicu- 
ous here.  I  at  last  said  something  about  it  to  a  friend,  a  preacher, 
with  a  somewhat  humorous  turn. 

"  You  are  very  unfortunate,"  said  he ;  "  you  Lave  an  official 
Austrian  hat.  Now  this,"  taking  up  a  low-crowned,  broad-brimmed 
hat,  like  one  of  our  "  Californias,"  or  the  English  "  wide-awakes," 
is  a  '  durchaus  Socialistisoher  und.  Democratischer' — a  thoroughly 
Socialistic  and  Democratic  hat — and  would  send  me  to  the  Austrian 
guard-house,  if  I  should  wear  it  in  the  streets.  This,  however," 
and  he  raised  another  with  a  more  pointed  crown  and  a  narrower 
brim,  "  is  merely  a  Schlecht-gesinnte  Hut,  an  evil-disposed  hat !" 

I  ought  to  mention  here  that  this  word  "-evil  disposed,"  has 
almost  passed  into  a  phrase  in  Hungary,  to  mean  anything  which  is 
opposed  to  the  government,  and  of  course,  in  consequence,  anything 
which  the  Hungarians  like. 

"This  again,"  he  continued,  taking  up  a  black  hat,  like  the  Kos- 
suth hats  in  vogue  here,  "  is  a  purely  neutral  hat ;  Hungarian,  but 
not  revolutionary.  And  this,"  handing  me  mine,  "  is  a  thoroughly 
Austrian,  well-disposed,  Reactionaire  (reactionary)  hat." 

I  was  of  course  much  amused  at  this  analysis  of  hats,  though  it 
all  speaks  strongly,  much  more  than  more  important  facts,  of  the 
present  condition  of  Hungary. 


240  TREATMENT    OF    CLERGY. 

******* 

There  was  much  talk  here  in  Debreczin  of  an  eloquent  preacher 
among  them,  who  had  been  sentenced  lately  to  twenty-two  years  in 
the  fortress  of  Olmiitz.  None  believed  he  would  live  out  half  the 
term. 


The  clergymen  in  Hungary  have  fared  very  badly  at  the  hands  of 
the  Austrian  Government  since  the  Revolution.  Perhaps  the  military 
courts  regarded  them  as  in  the  same  position  with  the  priests  in 
Austria, — servants  of  the  Government, — and  treated  them  as  if  they 
were  traitorous  office-holders.  Or  perhaps  they  saw  that  the  most 
dangerous  enemies  for  Austria  were  men  of  this  free,  earnest,  Chris- 
tian character.  Numbers  of  them  were  hanged,  or  shot — and  these 
not  of  any  one  sect,  Catholic  priests  and  bishops,  as  well  as  Protest- 
ant clergymen  and  deacons  and  superintendents. 

I  cannot  omit  this  opportunity  to  express  my  high  sense  of  tho 
worth  and  self-devotion  of  these  men,  so  far  as  I  knew  them  in 
Hungary.  It  seemed  to  me  the  fearful  events  in  which  they  had  all 
just  been  tried,  had  given  a  certain  strength  and  manliness  to  them, 
which  is  usually  somewhat  wanting  in  their  class.  They  are  all 
bound  to  one  another  now  by  many  mutual  services  ;  the  good  rela- 
tions between  them  are  not  equalled  among  the  clergy  of  any  coun- 
try. In  the  circle  in  which  I  was,  one  pointed  to  another,  as  the 
"  friend  who  had  plead  for  him   at  the  Court-martial  in  '49    and 

saved  his  life  ;"  another  showed  me  "  Brother ,  as  the  man 

whose  skilful  answer  before  the   Police  this  year,  had  saved  them 
all  from  the  Neugebaude  (State's  prison)." 


HUNGARY    IN    1851  241 

The  Austrian  Government  suspects  them  all,  but  it  dares  not 
openly  to  exasperate  the  people,  by  their  imprisonment,  without  some 
good  pretext. 

.  Then  contrivances  after  the  war  to  maintain  themselves  were  dex- 
terous enough.  One  of  them  told  me  how  the  command  came  to 
them  when  the  war  was  over,  to  preach  on  the  "  Advantages  of  the 
Peace."  Accordingly  he  appeared  the  next  Sabbath  in  his  pulpit, 
read  the  "Order"  of  the  ministry,  and  preached  an  elaborate  and 
beautifully  abstract  sermon  on  the  "  Blessings  of  perfect  peace? 
The  Government  are  aware  of  their  immense  influence  over  the 
people,  and  try  to  gain  it  to  their  side.  I  recollect  while  I  was  at 
Pesth,  an  especial  agent  came  down  from  the  Court,  to  hold  an 
assembly  of  the  priests  and  preachers,  in  order  to  urge  upon  them 
the  duty  of  keeping  their  flocks  contented  under  the  Austrian  rule, 
and  of  enlightening  them  as  to  the  good  motives  of  the  ministry. 

May,  1851. — I  have  been  taking  a  long  walk  through  the  various 
parts  of  Debreczin,  and  calling  upon  various  acquaintances.  There 
was  a  poor  Honved*  with  his  leg  gone,  standing  by  the  Rathshaus. 
He  did  not  ask  for  anything,  but  neither  I  nor  any  one  else  who 
passed  could  help  giving  him  a  trifle.  It  is  not  often  that  a  Honved 
will  beg. 

A  young  man  met  us  in  one  place,  and  my  friend  told  me  to 
notice  him.  He  was  the  son,  he  said,  of  the  keeper  of  the  famous 
crown  of  St.  Stephen,f  so  mysteriously  saved  from  the  Austrians  in 

*  Literally  "  Home  defender,"  i.  e.,  National  (Juard. 

t  This  crown  is  said  originally  to  have  been  presented  to  King  Stephen 
by  Pope  Sylvester  II-  in  the  year  1000.     The  Hungarians  have  almost  a 
superstitious  reverence  for  it,  and  consider  no  reign  legal  where   ti 
has  not  been  crowned  with  it.     It  has  been  frequently  lost,  and  always  re- 
covered in  an  almost   unaccountable  manner.     Many  think  that  Kossut 
11 


242  ENGLISH    CONVERSATION. 

the  last  war.  Most  suppose  this  keeper  knows  where  it  is  still 
though  all  said  he  would  rot  in  prison,  (he  is  in  the  Neugebaiide,) 
twenty  years  before  the  Austrians  would  get  a  word  from  him. 

I  was  quite  amused  at  Mr.  T.'s,  where  they  speak  German,  to 
hear  one  of  the  children  call  another  in  a  great  spite,  "you  little 
Schivarzgelb  /"  i.  e.,  "  black  and  yellow,'1''  the  Austrian  colors,  which 
have  come  to  be  the  last  term  of  reproach  in  Hungary. 

I  heard  in  the  common  talk  to  day,  that  the  young  Countess 
Teleki  had  been  arrested  on  some  frivolous  charge.  All  seemed 
to  feel  uneasily  if  one  so  young  and  patriotic  and  so  high  in  rank 
could  be  entangled  by  this  Inquisition.  Her  own  carriage  and  foot- 
men had  been  graciously  allowed  her,  it  was  said,  in  crossing  to  the 
fortress  with  the  dragoons. 

I  had  received  a  beautiful  note  in  English  from  a  lady  this  morn- 
ing, requesting  me  to  call  upon  her,  as  she  "  wished  to  know  one  of 
that  noble  nation  who  sheltered  the  exiles  from  Hungary."  I  called 
and  she  addressed  me  at  once  in  English.  In  the  course  of  the  con 
versation,  with  the  characteristic  Hungarian  eloquence  of  tone  she 
burst  forth,  "  Did  you  know  it,  sir  ?  We  meant,  to  have  a  republic 
like  yours.  Gorgey  was  our  Arnold.  If  it  had  not  been  for  him, 
we  should  have  been  free.  Oh,  if  you  could  have  seen  our  armies 
as  they  marched  through  here  !  How  proud  they  were,  how  hope- 
ful and  strong !  And  now  they  are  gone  !  But  they  were  ready, 
and  no  one  feared  to  die  for  his  country.  And  to  think  it  was  all 
for  nothing !" 

It  is  astonishing  how  accustomed  one  becomes  to  this  passionate 
expression,  and  how  it  finally  forces  one  almost  into  an  opposite, 
matter-of-fact  way.     So  that  at  the  time  in  Hungary,  I  was  almost 

knows  where  it  is,  and  that  he  will  use  it  yet,  as  a  standard  around  which  to 
rally  the  peasantry. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  243 

unconscious  of  much  which  has  since  shown  me  how  deeply  wounded 
is  the  heart  of  the  people. 

I  was  surprised  through  the  whole  country,  to  find  how  generally 
foreign  language  and  English,  or  at  least  the  English  literature,  were 
known  hy  the  higher  classes.  All  the  more  intelligent  families  con- 
verse readily  in  French  and  German ;  and  in  Pesth,  there  seemed 
more  who  spoke  English  among  my  acquaintances,  than  in  any  othei 
continental  city  I  had  visited.  The  Hungarian  German,  however,  is 
always  easily  recognized  by  its  accent.  English,  particularly  since 
these  late  events,  is  more  and  more  studied,  and  German  is  avoided 
wherever  possible,  as  all  associate  it  so  indelibly  with  what  is  Aus- 
trian. However,  the  diplomatic  and  State  language,  fastened  now 
over  Croat  and  Magyar,  Slavonian  and  Wallach,  is  German,  and 
the  old  strife  of  languages  quiets  itself  now  under  one  common 
foreign  tongue. 

The  Magyar  must  have  a  natural  aptitude  for  learning  languages. 
Still  his  circumstances  have  much  quickened  this.  No  gentleman 
could  really  succeed  in  political  life  twenty  years  ago,  without  know- 
ing at  least  four  languages.  The  debates  of  the  Parliament  were 
all  held  in  Latin.  •  All  communications  with  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment, and  in  fact  with  foreigners,  were  in  German.  The  lower 
classes  must  be  addressed  in  Slavonian — and  of  course  Magyar  must 
be  known  as  his  own  tongue.  With  such  a  foundation,  made  con- 
stantly familiar  from  childhood,  all  the  languages  of  western  and 
eastern  Europe  could  be  learned  without  difficulty.  I  have  seen  a 
common,  ignorant  private  soldier  among  the  Wallachs  speak  six 
lanoruaws  well. 

The   language   in  Europe    most   similar    in    intonation    to   the 
Magyar,  seems  the  French ;  and  accordingly  the  Hungarians  learn 


y44  NATIONAL    PROVERBS. 

the  difficult  French  sounds  with  great  ease.  The  French  nasal 
sound  is  quite  common  ;  as,  for  instance,  on  the  n  in  Honved. 

I  do  not  profess  to  speak  learnedly  on  this  matter,  but  from  what 
little  opportunity  I  had  of  examining  the  structure  of  this  language, 
it  seemed  remarkably  flexible,  and  capable  of  high  development. 
The  arrangement  of  "  suffixes"  and  "  prefixes"  and  some  other  pecu- 
liarities, reminded  me  constantly  of  the  Hebrew.  The  philologists 
say  that  it  has  no  affinity  with  any  European  tongue,  and  only 
bears  a  relationship  to  the  Turkish  and  Finnish. 

I  was  struck  to-day  with  something  very  characteristic  of  the 
Hungarian  character.  One  of  the  gentlemen  with  me  wanted  to 
trust  some  little  business  to  a  Bauer,  and  was  questioning  him  as  to 
whether  he  would  be  faithful.  The  peasant  drew  himself  up,  and 
only  gave  for  answer,  "  Magyar  ember  /"     "  I  am  a  Hungarian  !" 

It  is  currently  reported  in  Hungary  that  in  the  beginning  of  the 
war,  some  one  made  the  proposition  to  Kossuth,  in  case  the  Aus- 
trians  should  refuse  to  recognize  the  new  Hungarian  bank-notes,  to 
issue  an  immense  .quantity  of  Austrian  notes,  for  which  he  had 
every  means  in  presses  and  stamps,  and  thus  swamp  the  treasury. 
All  the  reply  he  gave  was  the  simple  "  Maygar  ember  /"  I  have 
often  noticed  it  used  in  this  way. 

To  me  these  little  expressions  of  national  feeling  always  show 
much  of  the  prominent  national  traits. 

I  suppose  an  Englishman  would  say  "  he  was  no  Englishman"  to 
strike  a  man  when  he  was  down,  or  to  let  a  strong  man  beat  a 
weak  one. 

An  American  would  call  himself  "  no  genuine  Yankee"  ever  to 
give  up  what  there  was  the  slightest  chance  of  his  accomplishing, 
or  ever  to  let  himself  be  outwitted  by  any  created  shrewdness. 

The  Hungarian  expression  seems  to  be  used  more  nobly. 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  245 

Among  my  acquaintances  in  Debreezin,  to  whose  courtesy  I  owe 
much,  is  the  Protestant  Bishop,  a  most  kind-hearted  and  courtly  old 
gentleman.  I  was  often  at  his  house,  and  he  gave  me  much  in- 
formation about  the  peasantry  of  the  neighborhood.  I  found  he 
belonged  at  present  to  the  "  loyal  party,"  and  I  cautiously  avoided 
all  topics  connected  with  politics,  which  might  in  any  way  com- 
promise him.  lie  rewarded  me  for  my  discretion,  on  going  away, 
by  giving  me  several  important  letters  to  friends  of  the  Government 
in  southern  Hungary,  and  among  others  to  a  gentleman  whose 
acquaintance  I  afterwards  made  in  quite  a  different  manner — the 
General  of  the  Gros  Wardein  garrison.  I  used  also  to  meet  many 
of  the  higher  Austrian  officers  at  his  house.  I  became  quite 
attached  to  the  old  gentleman,  and  he  seemed  so  to  me.  On 
parting,  he  informed  me  his  horses  were  at  my  service  the  next 
day  for  my  journey,  and  then  kissed  me  affectionately  on  both 
cheeks ;  and  accompanying  me  to  the  gate,  embraced  me  again, 
with,  as  I  afterwards  recalled,  a  sad,  foreboding  look,  as  if  he  half 
anticipated  the  gloomy  change  which  was  soon  to  come  over  my 
travels. 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

The  Citizens  in  Hungary. 

Debkeczin-  May,  1851. 

I  have  been  spending  a  very  pleasant  hour  with  one  of  the 
merchants  of  the  city.  Among  much  other  interesting  conversation 
we  fell  into  a  talk  about  the  merchants  and  their  position  in  Hun- 
gary. He  said,  that  men  of  this  employment  had  never  had  the 
respect  in  Hungary,  which  they  should  have.  Farming,  and  fight- 
ing had  always  been  the  only  two  reputable  occupations,  among  the 
Magyars.  They  did  not  like  cities  and  they  did  not  like  business. 
All  this  had  had  a  very  bad  effect  in  former  years,  he  thought,  upon 
this  class  of  business  men — so  that  it  was  very  difficult  sometimes  to 
get  an  honest,  respectable  man,  to  go  into  trading. 

The  men  too  in  the  cities,  he  said,  had  come  to  have  a  bad  name, 
because  the  cities  had  been  such  mere  tools  in  the  hands  of  the 
Austrian  Kings. 

I  should  think  from  his  account,  that  there  had  been  sometimes  a 
complete  system  of  the  English  "  rotten  boroughs,"  where  a  Corpo- 
ration, which  hardly  existed,  sent  a  Member  to  Parliament — only 
to  be  there  often  an  instrument  for  the  purposes  of  the  Viennese 
Ministry. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  247 

The  Maygars,  he  said,  could  not  bear  to  live  in  cities.  Every  one 
likes  to  have  room  enough  around  him. 

I  have  spoken  before,  on  my  journey,  of  this  propensity  of  the 
Magyar  to  make  elbow-room  for  himself,  so  that  one  seems  to  be 
travelling  often  through  a  large  city,  yet  where  each  man  lives  sepa- 
rately, as  in  a  village. 

I  had  the  curiosity  after  this  conversation  to  see  how  statistics 
would  bear  out  this  apparent  tendency  of  the  Hungarians. 

I  found  that  there  were  twenty -one  market-towns  (villages  of  the 
kind  mentioned  above,  without  city-privileges)  with  over  10,000 
inhabitants  each,  and  more  than  1,500  villages,  with  1,000  each. 
The  market-town  Holdmezb  Vasarhehj,  for  instance,  having  over 
30,000 — and  the  village  Csaba  more  than  23,000. 

With  a  population  of  more  than  14,000,000,  Hungary  has  only 
1 26  cities,*  and  the  whole  number  of  those  inhabiting  cities,  is  only 
1,125,000.     Of  these,  only  528,000  are  Magyars. 

Of  the  126  cities,  forty-six  are  Magyar — forty-six  Slavic — thirty 
one  German — and  three  Wallach. 

Of  the  "783  market-towns,  341  are  Maygar — 160  Slovack — forty 
Raizen — forty  Croatian — thirty-three  Schokazen — twenty  Ruthe- 
nian — and  ninety-eight  German,  and  forty-nine  Wallach  and 
two  Bulgarian. 

Despite  this  apparent  disi neb' nation  of  the  Magyars  for  cities, 
there  was  much  in  the  privileges  of  a  city,  which  would  make  a  resi- 
dence there  desirable.     The  poor  peasant  who  could  win  or  pir- 

*  There  are  two  cities  in  Hungary,  with  more  than  50,000  inhabitants, 
(Btida-Peeth,  120,000  and  Debreczin,  55,000)  ;  four  cities  with  more  than 
30.000;  thirty  with  more  than  10,000;  thirty  with  more  than  5,000;  and 
fifty-four  with  less  than  5,000.— Fenyes— and  Dr.  Schutte— also  Chow- 
anez — 1851.) 


S48  CITY-GOVERNMENT. 

chase  a  citizenship,  at  once  became  a  privileged  person.  He  could 
no  longer  be  imprisoned  for  debt.  He  was  safe  from  all  toll  upon 
bridges  or  highways.  Some  of  the  most  prominent  offices  of  the 
State,  before  shut  out  from  him,  were  now  open,  and  he  became 
eligible  fur  a  Bishopric,  for  the  highest  places  of  the  country,  and 
for  even  a  distinguished  military  rank.  If  he  had  before,  as  one  of 
the  Feudal  peasants,  been  shut  out  from  a  share  in  the  Government 
of  the  State,  he  became  now  as  a  "  citizen,"  an  elector ;  the  Corpo- 
ration of  which  he  formed  a  part,  sent  its  two  Members  to  Par- 
liament. 

His  city  governed  itself  by  its  own  board  of  aldermen,  composed 
of  the  Mayor,  Chief  of  Police,  Judge,  and  4—12  "  Senators."  These 
worked  in  co-operation  with  a  "  Common  Council,"  of  from  four  to 
125  members,  according  to  the  size  of  the  city.  Every  year  came 
the  election  for  the  city-officers.  It  increased,  too,  the  importance 
of  the  before  almost  outlawed  peasant,  to  be  a  member  of  a  body 
which  had  supreme  judicial  power,  even  to  that  of  death,  within  its 
precincts.  Now,  too,  he  could  buy  the  landed  property  of  the 
Nobles — though  even  here  under  the  restriction  of  an  apparent 
"  pawning." 

From  all  my  observations  in  Hungary,  I  should  conclude  that  the 
cities  trained  up  a  very  independent  population.  Men  were  more 
apparently  equal  within  them,  than  they  were  often  without.  And 
possibly  their  own  corporative  Government  gave  them  a  peculiar 
education  in  politics.  Certain  it  is,  both  here  in  Debreczin,  and  in 
other  cities  of  Hungary,  I  have  been  struck  with  the  independent 
character  of  the  people,  and  with  their  familiarity  in  political 
detail. 

These  cities,  or  "  boroughs,"  however,  became  a  great  drag  often 
in  Hungarian  progress. 


HUNGARY    IN     1851.  249 

The  great  evil  of  their  Constitution  was,  as  also  in  the  "  Free 
Communities'-''  that  the  Crown  had  too  much  power.  In  the 
country,  the  Court  could  never  exercise  it  so  arbitrarily ;  but  here, 
they  were  less  unrestrained.  Every  candidate  for  the  alderman 
and  then  again  for  the  Parliament,  must  first  be  approved  by  the 
Ministry,  before  he  is  eligible ;  that  is,  a  certain  number  are  pre- 
vented by  the  Corporation,  or  the  Common  Council,  from  whom 
three  candidates  are  selected  by  the  Royal  officers. 

Besides  this,  all  the  cities  are  considered  in  law  as  royal  property. 
They  pay  a  particular  contribution  to  the  king,  as  well  as  the  usual 
taxes  ;  they  bear  a  part  of  his  expenses  at  the  Parliament.  All  the 
farming  of  their  property  depends  directly  on  the  Royal  Adminis- 
tration, so  that  they  cannot  spend  50  florins  ($25),  without  per- 
mission.* 

In  consequence,  if  there  happened  to  be  any  too  liberal  member 
from  one  of  these  boroughs,  the  Court  used  to  throw  an  effectual 
hamper  over  his  movements,  by  refusing  all  permission  to  spend 
money,  to  his  city.  Not  a  road  could  be  repaired,  or  sidewalk  im- 
proved, or  street  widened,  during  the  term  of  the  obnoxious 
member. 

The  burdens  of  a  city  are  the  usual  domestic  tax  and  war-taxes ; 
the  duty  of  furnishing  a  certain  number  of  recruits  ;  and  the  obliga- 
tion to  quarter  soldiers,  at  the  command  of  the  State. 

All  the  grievances,  mentioned  above,  at  length  became  so  great 
that  many  of  the  cities  seemed  to  have  given  up  elections  for  tho 
Parliament — and  from  the  126  cities,  only  70  to  80  members  took 
their  seats  in  the  Assembly. 

The   other   Representatives   of  the  Parliament,   too,   were  so 
offended  at  the  Royal  influence  over  these  Delegates  from  the  cities, 

*  Fmyts — Statislik  des  Konigreichs  Ungarn. — Vol.  ii.,  p.  144. 
11* 


i50  REFORM    IN    '48. 

that  during  some  years  they  took  away  their  privilege  of  voting 
entirely,  still  leaving  them  the  right  to  speak  and  sit  in  the  body. 

The  Constitution  of  these  cities,  and  their  mode  of  government, 
seems  to  have  been  derived  from  that  of  the  German  cities.  The 
first  privileges  were  bestowed  by  King  Stephen,  about  the  year 
1,000,  on  the  city  of  Stuhlweissenburg,  and  after  him  successive 
kings  of  Hungary  endowed  these  Corporations  with  peculiar  rights. 

In  1848,  the  Constitutions  of  all  these  cities  were  reformed — 
suffrage  extended — all  higher  "  Candidation,"  that  is,  approval  of 
candidates  by  the  higher  authorities  before  election  done  away  with, 
and  the  Aldermen  and  Common  Council  made  more  directly 
dependent  on  the  people.  To  them  too,  as  to  the  nation  generally, 
a  full  share  was  given  in  the  elections  for  the  National  Assembly. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Fitness  for  Self-Government. 

Throughout  my  journey  in  Hungary,  nothing  had  so  interested 
me,  thus  far,  as  the  accounts  I  heard  everywhere  of  the  old  Internal 
Government  of  the  country.  The  whole  was  so  far  beyond  any- 
thing which  I  had  seen  of  political  institutions  on  the  Continent, 
that  I  could  scarcely  credit  it. 

The  people  too,  I  could  see,  felt,  most  of  all,  the  loss  of  this  old 
system  of  Self-Government — reformed  and  widened  as  it  had  been 
in  1848. 

I  studied  the  system  carefully,  and  I  am  fully  convinced  that  the 
old  Hungarian  Internal  Government  formed  one  of  the  best  means 
for  political  education,  and  that  it  needed  only  a  few  reforms  to 
render  it  a  complete  Republican  or  even  Democratic  system. 

To  my  mind,  the  old  Constitution  of  Hungary,  prepared  for  that 
of  1848,  as  the  old  English  Internal  system  of  government  did  for 
the  more  complete  Self-government  in  America. 

The  details  of  this  matter  may  be  dry — but  the  facts  will  be 
found  of  value — especially  as  connected  with  the  question  of  the 
Fitness  of  th<*  Hungarians  for  self-government. 


252  -STATE-RIGHTS." 

The  First  great  principle  of  the  Internal  Constitution  of  Hungary 
was  the  idea  of,  if  I  may  so  say,  "  State  Rights,"  or  provincial 
rights ;  that  is,  the  principle  that  each  State  (or  Comitat)  should  be 
as  independent  as  possible  of  the  Central  Government. 

The  Second  was  that  each  little  local  division  of  the  country 
should  have  its  own  self-administered  government. 

Hungary  was  divided  up  into  52  Comitats  or  States  ;  a  division 
dating  hack  from  unknown  times,  prohahly  originating  first  in  mili- 
laiy  divisions  among  the  conquering  Asiatic  tribes. 

Each  one  of  these  States  had  its  own  provincial  administration. 
If  was  considered,  in  almost  all  respects,  a  "  sovereign  State,"  even 
more  than  any  of  the  States  of  our  Union.  It  could  treat  with 
foreign  Governments.  And  most  singular  of  all,  if  it  disapproved 
the  acts  of  the  Central  Government,  it  could  send  them  hack  by 
means  of  its  State  Legislature,  vetoed.  The  very  members  it  sent  to 
the  National  Parliament,  were  not  "  Representatives,"  as  with  us, 
but  Delegates — men  "  instructed"  to  vote  and  speak  in  a  certain 
way,  and  liable  to  be  recalled  at  any  moment  by  the  State,  if  they 
disobeyed  instructions.  Any  measure  or  vote  of  these  delegates  dis- 
pleasing to  the  State,  could  at  once  occasion  their  dismissal.  All 
orders  or  sentences,  both  from  Hungarian  or  Austrian  Courts,  from 
the  Lord  Chancellor  of  the  Kingdom,  or  from  the  Home  Office,*  or 
from  the  Emperor  of  Austria  himself,  if  it  found  them  inconsistent 
with  the  laws  of  the  land,  it  could  reject. 

Such  a  freedom  of  action,  left  to  the  different  provinces  of  one 
country,  not  united  in  a  Confederation,  I  have  never  known  else- 

*  I  am  obliged  in  translating  the  names  of  Hungarian  political  officers,  to 
intermingle  English  and  American  political  terms,  inasmuch  as  the  officers 
themselves  were  in  part  those  of  a  Monarchy,  and  in  part  of  a  Republic. 


HUNGARY    !N     185K  253 

where  in  the  history  of  politics.      That  power  of  being  able  to  veto 
the  acts  of  their  own  Parliament,  is  without  example. 

Each  State  was  governed,  too,  by  a  Democratic  State  Legislature, 
composed  of  all  the  voters  of  the  State,  meeting  in  assembly  (Con- 
gregatio)  four  times  a  year. 

By  one  of  those  anomalies,  of  which  one  finds  so  many  in  Hun- 
gary, the  Governor  (Obergespan)  of  each  State,  and  ex-officio  Pres- 
ident of  this  Legislature,  and  the  only  one  able  to  summon  the 
Legislature,  was  appointed  by  the  Crown  for  life. 

It  seems  as  if  the  influence  of  this  officer  were  designed  to  be  the 
great  centralizing  influence  opposed  to  this  independent  provincial 
Administration. 

He  had  the  power  of  "  approval "  for  all  the  candidates  for 
State-offices;  that  is,  out  of  a  certain  number  presented  by  the 
voters,  he  could  select  the  three  from  which  a  choice  was  to  be 
made. 

Over  the  election  for  Parliament,  however,  he  did  not  possess  this 
control.  Without  his  presence,  or  that  of  the  Vicegespan,  no  session 
of  the  Legislature  was  legal,  though  he  was  pledged  to  call  this 
together  at  least  four  times  a  year. 

The  Olergespan  was  in  addition,  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
State,  with  control  over  all  its  courts,  and  its  police.  He  held  also 
his  own  courts,  both  civil  and  criminal.  The  execution  of  the  acts 
of  the  Legislature,  as  well  as  of  the  orders  from  the  "  State  Depart- 
ment," or  "  Home  Office,"  approved  by  the  Legislature,  was  entrusted 
to  him.  Communications  between  the  State  and  its  Deputies  passed 
through  him.  He  had  the  care  too,  of  the  proper  division  of  the 
taxes,  and  tin.-  control  of  various  charitable  matters,  as  for  instance, 
of  the  interests  of  the  orphans.     It  was  his  duty  finally,  to  summon 


254  THE   "CONGREGATION 

all  the  voters  of  the  State  every  three  years,  to  the  election  (Restau- 
ratio)  of  State  officers. 

It  might  he  supposed,  from  all  this  power  given  to  the  Oberges- 
pan,  that  the  Crown  would  gain  too  much  influence  in  the  State 
elections. 

This  was  not  the  fact,  however.  The  place  became  a  very  popu- 
lar one,  and  the  man  desirous  of  obtaining  it,  would  wish  to  please 
the  voters.  The  "  three  candidates  "  presented,  were  generally  those 
who  had  the  largest  parties  supporting  them.  And  if  any  Governor 
ever  attempted  to  force  upon  the  people  an  unpopular  candidate,  he 
met  with  such  a  reception,  that  he  was  very  glad  to  yield  as  quickly 
as  possible. 

Indeed,  it  is  said  that  some  of  the  more  arbitrary  Royal  Governors 
in  the  excitement  of  a  rough  election,  have  been  thrown  summarily 
out  of  the  windows,  for  showing  an  improper  favoritism  to  certain 
candidates. 

This  Legislature,  as  I  have  said,  was  at  the  head  of  the  adminis- 
tration of  each  State. 

It  controlled  all  the  domestic  taxes — fixed  the  rate  for  each  parish 
— drew  up  the  lists  and  classifications  of  the  contributions  to  Gov- 
ernment. It  regulated  the  condition  of  the  schools  and  the  prisons, 
and  the  number  of  the  prisoners ;  it  watched  over  the  police  of  the 
State,  and  could  demand  an  account  of  all  the  officials,  and  order 
force  to  be  used  on  those  who  were  resisting  the  sentences  of  the 
Courts.  It  could  settle  the  differences  between  landlords  and  peas- 
ants ;  fix  the  price  of  bread  and  meat ;  order  the  levies  of  soldiers, 
and  administer  in  general  all  the  affairs  of  its  State,  except  that  it 
could  not  constitute  itself  a  Court  to  sit  in  judgment  on  any  case, 
unless  it  was  a  case  affecting  its  own  dignity. 

In  addition,  it  was  this  body  which  exercised  the  rights  I  have 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  255 

before  mentioned.  It  chose  the  members  for  the  National  Assem- 
bly— instructed  them — recalled  them. 

Before  it,  the  measures  agitated  in  the  Parliament  were  discussed, 
and  by  it  the  obnoxious  acts  were  rejected.  All  communications 
from  the  State  to  the  other  States,  or  to  the  General  Government, 
were  made  in  this  bod}\ 

In  fact,  the  result  of  all  this  was,  that  the  State  Legislature— or 
the  Congregations  as  they  were  called — governed  Hungary,  more 
than  the  National  Assembly. 

They  discussed  and  decided  on  the  measures  which  were  often 
only  voted  upon  in  the  Parliament.  If  at  any  time  they  did  not 
happen  to  be  in  session  at  the  critical  moment,  there  was  a  smaller 
Extra-Legislature,  {Congregatio  Particularism  which  could  be 
readily  summoned,  and  could  decide  any  matter  until  the  next  ses- 
sion. 

Besides  these  elections,  the  grand  event  of  the  political  life  of  the 
States  was  the  great  States  Election  (Eestauratio),  held  every 
three  years,  in  which  every  officer  except  the  highest  was  to  be 
chosen. 

Of  course,  under  the  present  Government,  I  could  not  see  one  of 
these  great  elections,  but  I  am  assured  by  those  familiar  with  them 
that  it  was  one  of  the  most  stirring  spectacles  in  the  world,  and 
that  all  the  old  Anglo-Saxon  accompaniments  of  an  election — 
broken  heads  and  stump-speaking,  drinking  and  processions,  and 
"  chairing,"  and  political  spouting — were  there  in  their  perfection. 

Where  several  thousand  voters  collected  together  in  one  village, 
once  in  every  three  years,  to  elect  all  the  important  local  officers  for 
the  next  term,  and  where  parties  raged  so  high  as  in  Hungary,  it 
may  well  be  imagined  there  would  be  intense  excitement.  I  have 
heard,  though  not  often,  of  several  lives  being  lost  in  those  election 


256  ELECTIONS. 

rows ;  yet  all  'say,  that  after  the  election  was  once  decided,  they 
all  met  as  amicably  and  jovially  at  the  public  tables  of  the  Governor 
as  thouo-h  nothing  had  occurred.  At  the  election,  the  Governor  or 
the  Vicegespan  presided  always,  with  the  right  of  "  approving"  the 
candidates.  The  choice  was  made  by  acclamation,  or,  if  there  was 
much  contest,  by  ballot. 

In  addition  to  these  divisions  into  Comitats,  or  States,  as  I  have 
called  them,  there  were  still  further  subdivisions  into  "  Districts," 
and  again  into  "  Parishes  of  the  Districts,"  of  which  there  were  from 
four  to  six  in  each  Comitat.  At  the  head  of  every  district  were  the 
District  Judge  and  a  board  of  "  selectmen,"  (Jurassores,)*  chosen 
at  the  State  election  mentioned  above. 

These  had  for  their  duties  to  watch  especially  the  condition  of 
road  and  bridges,  to  care  for  the  public  health  and  safety,  the  proper 
quartering  of  the  regular  soldiers,  and  the  just  division  of  the  taxes 
among  the  single  Parishes.  They  formed  together  a  Court  for  cer- 
tain minor  offenses,  and  no  State  Courts  can  be  held  without  their 
presence.  The  orders  of  the  State  Legislature  and  the  "  circulars" 
of  the  Home-office  are  transmitted  by  them  often  to  the  Parish 

■ 

magistrates. 

Each  Parish  (Communitas)  again  had  its  separate  local  govern- 
ment as  well  as  the  District  or  State. 

This  was  composed  of  the  Village  Judge,  an  Assistant  Judge,  the 
Selectmen,  and  Clerk  (JSFotarius.)  All  these  officers  were  chosen 
by  the  villagers  and  by  the  freeholders  of  the  Parish.  The  Lord  of 
the  Manor  here  had  the  same  power  as  the  King  in  the  State  elec- 
tions ;  out  of  the  candidates  presented  he  could  select  three,  from 
whom  the  choice  was  to  be  made  for  village  Judge.  However,  if  he 
selected  unpopular  candidates,  or  if  there  were  several  Lords  of  the 
*  This  is  a  word  of  the  Hungarian  Law-Latin. 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  257 

Manor  not  agreeing  in  the  candidates  to  "  approve,"  the  District 
Judge  whom  I  have  before  mentioned,  had  the  power,  after  three 
days,  to  present  the  three  candidates  for  the  office  without  consulting 
either  party. 

Many  of  the  Parishes  were  entirely  freed  from  the  interference  of 
the  Lords  of  the  Manor. 

All  the  other  officers  of  the  Parish  were  chosen  by  the  villagers, 
without  any  "  presentation  "  of  candidates  ;  though  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  Clerk,  the  Noblemen  of  the  Parish  had  the  power  of  rejec- 
tion. 

The  duties  of  this  board  of  Selectmen,  and  Judges  in  each  village, 
were  to  oversee  the  condition  of  roads  and  bridges,  and  Parish 
buildings,  to  regulate  the  local  police ;  to  attend  to  the  execution  of 
the  orders  of  the  District  Judge  and  of  the  State  Legislature  ;  to 
divide  the  assessments  among  the  individual  inhabitants,  and  send 
in  the  lists  to  the  collectors ;  to  levy,  in  company  with  the  Clerk 
the  appointed  number  of  conscripts  for  the  army,  and  with  the  cor- 
poration of  the  resident  Noblemen,  to  provide  for  the  poor  of  the 
Paris!  i. 

The  Clerk  and  Judge  were  obliged  each  year  to  present  an  esti- 
mate of  the  probable  expenses  of  the  coming  year  to  the  Lord  of 
the  Manor,  for  his  approval.  All  the  accounts  of  the  Parish  were 
handed  in  likewise  to  him  annually  ;  and  if  he  neglected  to  examine 
them,  the  expenses  of  the  investigation  by  the  State  officers,  later, 
came  upon  his  shoulders. 

These  village  judges,  as  I  often  observed  in  my  journey,  are  the 
most  intelligent  peasants  of  the  country — and  though  sometimes 
liable  to  the  Feudal  labor,  they  have  become  as  expert  and  efficient 
magistrates  as  can  bo  found  anywhere.     During  his  office,  no  vil- 


5J58  POLITICAL    EDUCATION. 

lage  magistrate,  or  official,  can  be  called  upon  for  his  Feudal  obli- 
gations. 

Despite  such  a  manifold  administration,  the  expenses  of  all  this 
were  very  slight  indeed.  Some  of  the  Comitate  were  as  large  as 
the  Principalities  of  Germany — the  Pestker,  for  instance,  with 
500,000  inhabitants — yet  the  salaries  were  hardly  larger  than  a 
workman's  wages  with  us. 

The  offices  were  made,  as  much  as  possible,  places  of  honor,  and 
the  citizens  served  for  the  excitement  or  for  the  fame,  and  received 
only  what  would  pay  their  extra  expenses. 

The  salary  of  the  Governor,  or  Obergespan,  was  1,500  fl.  (about 
$Y50  ;)  of  the  Vice-gespan,  $300  ;  of  the  District  Judge,  $150  ;  of 
the  Selectmen,  $50  ;  of  the  State  Treasurer,  $150,  and  of  the  other 
officers,  in  similar  proportion.  These  salaries  differed  in  different 
Comitats,  but  this  was  the  maximum. 

The  Parish  officers  received  somewhat  more,  in  proportion  to  their 
rank,  than  the  State  officers,  so  that  the  peasants  might  have  more 
inducements  to  serve. 

This,  then,  was  the  internal  system  of  Government  in  Hungary. 
And  we  ask  any  candid  man,  whether  it  was  not  wonderfully  adapted 
to  train  and  educate  a  people  in  political  life.  1  have  seen  nothing 
like  this  system  in  any  part  of  Europe,  except  Switzerland  and  Eng- 
land. 

The  people  here — first  in  the  village,  then  in  the  District,  then  in 
the  State — are  constantly  exercised  in  the  details  of  politics.  Each 
little  local  division  is  trained  in  self-government.  Men  get  into  the 
habit,  from  early  life,  as  with  us,  of  referring  everything  to  public 
opinion — to  the  ballot  box.  They  all  become  accustomed,  too,  to 
pubb*c  speaking — to  the  holding  of  deliberative  bodies — to  the  minor 
difficulties  and  labors  of  local  administration. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  259 

There  Is  no  reference,  continually,  to  the  Capital,  "  What  will 
Paris  do  ?"  Each  District  and  State  has  its  own  opinions  and  prin- 
ciples, and  will  carry  them  out,  too,  whether  Parliament  and  the 
Capital  are  favorable  or  not. 

That  strange  inexperience  in  practical  politics,  which  meets  the 
American  traveller  everywhere  on  the  Continent,  does  not  come  be- 
fore him  in  Hungary.  The  contrast  between  Germany  and  Hun- 
garv  in  this  respect,  to  the  stranger,  is  very  striking. 

That  there  were  great  faults,  however,  in  this  Hungarian  system 
of  government,  I  would  not  attempt  to  deny. 

It  was,  on  one  side,  too  democratic.  There  was  too  little  "  cen- 
tralization." The  Provincial  Legislatures  were  too  muck  separated 
from  the  Central  Government.  An  order  from  the  General  Admin- 
istration might  lie  for  years,  without  being  executed — or  even  after 
that  time,  be  rejected. 

The  sentences  of  the  Supreme  Courts,  also,  were  only  carried 
into  effect  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  and  after  long  delay.  There 
were  so  many  provincial  bodies  and  officers  to  examine  and  approve, 
that  the  Executive  became  almost  powerless. 

For  one,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  miserable  condition  of  the 
land,  in  respect  to  roads,  and  bridges,  and  "  public  improvements  " 
and  the  carriage  of  the  mails,  resulted  much  from  this  system. 
Any  measure  demanding  great  capital  and  combined  action  through 
the  land,  never  could  be  carried  out  in  Hungary.   • 

The  other  great  defect  was  in  the  limited  extension  of  suffrage. 

It  is  difficult  to  estimate  exactly  the  number  of  voters  in  Hun- 
gary before  1848,  but  it  is  probable  there  were,  not  including  those 
of    Transylvania,    455,000,    which,    with    a    population   of    about 
1 4,000,000,  would  give,  roughly,  one  in  thirty  for  a  voter. 

In  England,  before  the  Reform  Bill,  the  proportion  must  have 


260  SUFFRAGE. 

been,  one  in  sixty  or  seventy.  At  present,  the  ratio  is  calculated  af 
about  one  in  twenty-five,  only  a  little  better  than  the  old  Hungarian 
basis. 

The  qualification,  however,  in  England,  is,  of  course,  much  to  be 
preferred — being  property  and  not  birth,  as  it  was  with  the  mass  of 
electors  in  Hungary,  though,  be  it  remembered,  that  here,  "  birth  " 
never  necessarily  implies  rank. 

The  Hungarian  Parliament,  in  1848, — even  as  the  English  by 
the  Reform  Bill — remedied  this  old  defect,  and  changed  both  the 
extention  and  the  qualification  of  suffrage.  The  right  of  suffrage  was 
made  quite  as  universal  as  it  is  here.  Every  man,  under  a  few 
appropriate  conditions,  was  admitted  to  vote. 

Kossuth,  too,  designed  to  remedy  the  old  difficulties  of  adminis- 
tration, and  to  give  the  Executive  more  power — at  the  same  time 
preserving  the  local  and  State  Governments. 

As  I  said,  such  a  Constitution  as  this  of  Hungary's,  needed  only 
a  few  reforms — given  to  it  in  1848 — to  make  it  a  most  complete 
Republican,  and  even  Democratic  system. 


CHAPTER  XXXH. 

A  Gentleman's  Estate. 

After  leaving  Debreczin,  I  journeyed  on  in  the  Bihar  Comitat, 
towards  a  large  estate  belonging  to  a  distinguished  family,  to  whom 
I  had  letters  of  introduction.  As  I  rode  along  over  the  Puszta 
from  the  North  towards  it,  I  wondered  for  a  long  time  where  it 
could  lie.  On  every  side  to  the  horizon  the  plain  stretched  away, 
and  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  villages  off  to  the  right,  I 
could  scarcely  see  any  cultivated  or  inhabited  ground  upon  it.  It 
seemed  an  unusually  barren  Puszta,  and  was  much  covered  with 
water  from  the  late  rains ;  so  that  even  the  herds  of  cattle,  that 
commonly  dot  these  plains,  were  not  at  all  visible.  The  only  signs 
of  life,  were  the  droves  of  swine  on  the  dry  parts  of  the  meadows, 
and  an  occasional  mounted  gens  d'arme,  with  his  bright  helmet  and 
white  coat,  scouring  the  roads.  Though  we  had  three  fine  powerful 
horses,  harnessed  abreast,  of  course,  in  our  Vorspann,  we  made  but 
slow  progress  through  the  deep  mud  of  the  roads.  At  length, 
after  a  tedious  ride,  the  Kutscher  pointed  to  something  which  appa- 
rently concerned  me,  and  I  saw  it  was  a  clump  of  green,  rising  like 
an  oasis  from  the  plain,  off  at  some  distance  on  our  left.     We 


262  INTRODUCTION. 

turned  soon  on  a  cross  road,  and  gradually  began   to  discern  the 
parts  of  the  green  mass. 

First,  there  seemed  a  line  of  bushes,  and,  behind  these,  a  long 
row  of  out-houses,  stretching  in  a  curve  around  a  part  of  a  densely- 
wooded  enclosure. 

The  buildings  appeared  to  be  houses  for  workmen,  stables,  pens 
for  cattle  and  horses,  of  which  last  I  could  see  a  great  number. 
Before  I  could  continue  my  observations,  we  had  crossed  a  little 
bridge,  entered  a  park  gate,  and  were  in  front  of  a  handsome 
country-house. 

While  getting  off  my  travelling-coat,  and  disencumbering  myself 
from  the  various  articles  of  the  journey,  I  sent  in  my  letter  of  intro- 
duction by  the  servant,  who  increased  no  little  the  surprise  at  my 
arrival,  by  announcing  "  A  gentleman  from  Asia  !"  I  had  merely 
sent  it  in  to  avoid  the  awkwardness  of  introducing  myself,  but  the 
gentleman  thought  I  was  waiting  outside  till  he  could  read  the 
letter  ;  and  the  moment  he  saw  the  name  of  his  friend,  from  whom 
it  came,  he  ran  out  with  true  Hungarian  hospitality,  almost  indig- 
nant that  "  any  friend  of  C.  F.  should  ever  wait  outside  his  door." 

I  was  soon  at  home  in  a  most  hospitable  family  of  refined  and 
polished  people,  who  welcomed  me  especially  as  the  friend  of  their 
friend,  but,  most  of  all,  as  an  American.  I  may  not  disclose  private 
life,  and  speak  more  particularly  of  that  generous,  noble-hearted 
family — the  beau  ideal  of  a  Hungarian  gentleman's  family.  Sorrow 
and  disaster  had  beaten  over  them  mournfully  in  the  past,  but  it 
had  not  broken  a  certain  nobleness  and  greatness  of  mind,  such  as  I 
have  scarcely  ever  seen  in  any  person. 

The  memory  has  not  left  them,  nor  will  soon  leave  Hungary,  of 
a  young  man  first  commencing  political  life,  about  twenty  yeai-s 
since,  in  the  partv  of  Kossuth.     A  youth  of  wonderful  eloquence  in 


HUNGARY    IN    1851  263 

speaking,  of  inexhaustible  ardor  for  the  cause  of  liberty  and  progress, 
one  whose  noble  beauty  and  thrilling  voice,  young  as  he  was,  are 
not  yet  forgotten  in  Hungary.  He  went,  in  these  struggles,  hand 
in  hand,  with  another  young  man  from  a  distinguished  family  in 
Eastern  Hungary.  The  time  came  when  Austria  would  stifle  these 
first  efforts  for  liberty.  Kossuth  was  imprisoned,  and  this  young 
man's  friend  was  sent  to  a  loathsome  dungeon.  Sympathy  with  his 
friend,  despair  for  his  country,  worked  on  his  mind  until  he  became 
a  maniac;  and  he  lives,  hopelessly  insane,  in  the  Hospital  in 
Vienna.  He  was  the  hope  and  stay  of  this  family  of  my  host,  and 
the  wrinkles  on  the  forehead  of  the  grey-headed  father  show  that 
long  years  have  not  worn  away  the  remembrance.  It  is  a  singular 
fact — one  showing  the  intensity  of  feeling  peculiar  to  the  Hunga- 
rians in  these  political  questions — that  his  friend,  after  three  years' 
fearful  imprisonment,  was  released  by  the  Austrian  Government 
also  in  hopeless  idiocy. 

These  facts  would  seem  hardly  credible;  but- any  Hungarian 
will  confirm  them,  for  these  young  men  are  well  remembered,  as  the 
first  victims  in  the  terrible  sacrifice  to  Austria. 

I  would  gladly  say  more  of  this  family  ;  for  I  can  never  forget 
the  simple  nobleness  and  truthfulness  of  each — the  overflowing 
love  towards  their  country — the  passionate  eloquence  with  which 
even  the  ladies  spoke  of  its  wrongs.  There  is  something  in  such  a 
family  which  we  never  see  in  any  of  the  European  circles;  a  natu- 
ralness, a  fire,  a  sweep  of  feeling  and  passion,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  a  delicacy  and  refinement  such  as  one  never  beholds  united  in 
our  more  artificial  raws.  It  is  as  if  the  passion  and  poetry  of  the 
Ea«t,  and  the  strength  and  refinement  of  the  West  were  mingled. 
The  grey-headed  father  seemed  to  me  like  a  chieftain  of  the  Puszta, 
with  the  manners  of  an  English  gentleman. 


264  THE    PARK. 

We  sat  down  soon  after  my  arrival,  to  a  dinner  cooked  and  served 
in  the  most  refined  style — a  social  and  cheerful  meal,  but  with  no 
tinge  of  grossness  in  it,  and,  after  the  usual  "  after-dinner  coffee," 
several  of  them  went  out  to  show  me  the  estate. 

If  I  had  been  surprised  at  seeing  beforehand,  on  my  ride,  so  few 
signs  of  the  neighborhood  of  the  Park,  I  was  still  more  surprised  at 
"  the  surroundings,"  when  I  was  once  in  it. 

It  was  a  complete  island  in  the  sea  of  plains  around  it — an  oasis 
in  the  barren  Puszta.  The  Park,  immediately  around  the  house, 
almost  circular  in  shape,  was  entirely  surrounded  by  a  grassed 
terrace  and  a  deep  ditch  ;  so  that,  as  one  walked  upon  it,  looking 
off  upon  the  fiat,  barren,  limitless  plain,  it  seemed  like  walking  upon 
the  beach  of  an  island.  On  one  side  only  the  cultivated  fields  of  the 
estate  extended,  guarded  by  groves  of  young  trees.  The  outhouses 
which  I  had  first  seen,  were  carefully  screened  from  the  Park  by 
bushes  and  trees. 

This  gentleman  had  come  here  thirty  years  before,  when  there 
was  nothing — shrub,  or  flower,  or  tree — except  two  old  sycamores — 
upon  the  barren  plain — and,  with  a  pertinacity  and  energy  worthy 
of  all  gratitude  from  posterity,  he  has  made  it  into  a  beautiful 
English-like  Park.  He  was  obliged  to  bring  the  soil,  almost ;  plant 
the  trees ;  drain  ;  build  the  knolls  ;  arrange  the  shrubbery ;  sow  the 
grass,  and,  amid  it  all,  wait  patiently  for  years  before  the  least  fruit 
of  his  labors  could  be  enjoyed.  I  scarcely  evei  heard  of  greater  per- 
severance in  plans  of  beautifying;  but  thanks  to  his  energy  and  the 
-  skill  of  an  English  gardener,  he  has  succeeded. 

The  Park  is  not  very  large,  but  exceedingly  tasteful,  and  so 
arranged  as  to  give  one  the  impression  of  great  size.  It  is  full  of 
trees  of  fine,  large  growth,  disposed  so  as  to  make  beautiful  vistas, 
and  to  produce  very  fine  shadings  of  color. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851  265 

Occasion  ally,  in  the  midst  of  the  trees,  one  comes  upon  a  pretty, 
green  laws,  rolled  down,  as  if  in  an  English  park ;  and  again  the 
walk  carries  you  over  a  knoll,  built  of  brick  work  and  covered  with 
turf.  There  are  forest  seats  and  arbors,  and  wild  vines,  too ;  and  in 
it  all,  I  have  never  seen  such  an  instance  of  what  mere  perseverance 
and  means  could  produce  of  beauty  from  very  poor  materials. 
Indeed,  there  are  not  many  prettier  estates,  if  one  considers  the  size, 
in  Hungary.  If  any  man  ever  "  made  the  desert  blossom,"  he  ha<; 
done  it.  In  front  of  the  house,  an  open  ground  of  flowers  and  wel 
shorn  turf  extends  down  to  the  gate,  where  is  the  road,  winding 
through  shrubbery,  which  carries  one  to  the  Puszta,  On  the  left, 
are  houses  for  the  tutor  and  the  children  under  him,  and  beyond, 
behind  the  trees,  the  fields  of  grain  belonging  to  the  estate.  I  went 
out  to  look  at  them. 

All  well  kept,  and  showing  good  farming,  with  the  usual  Hunga- 
rian crops. 

Lucerne,  in  good  quantities,  I  saw,  as  almost  everywhere,  cut 
four  times  always,  this  gentleman  tells  me.  Wheat,  rye,  Indian 
corn,  too,  as  on  our  farms.  Several  large  fields  of  vines  also,  from 
which  he  makes  his  own  wine,  though  necessarily  rather  a  sour  one, 
growing  in  this  soil  and  situation.  Tobacco,  like  many  another  planter, 
he  has  given  up  planting,  since  this  new  law,  which,  in  common 
with  others,  he  considers  extortionary. 

I  went  over  the  stables  too.     Most  of  the  horses  were  of  the 

0 

usual  small,  fine-limbed  breed,  badly  kept ;  there   were,   however, 

some  large,  heavy,  carriage  horses,  I  think  of  the  old  Spanish  stock. 

Two   beautiful  English  "hunters,"    with  their   long   bodies,   deep 

shoulderB  and   muscular  necks;  were  there,  evidently  of  very  pure 

blood,  imported  by  this  gentleman. 

II«'  had  not  suffered  from  the  manumission  of  the  serfs  from  feu- 
12 


266  WAGES. 

dal  labor,  as  his  property  had  riot  rested  much  in  that  class  of  work- 
men. Most  of  his  men  now,  he  said,  were  paid  by  taking  so  much 
frorn  the  crops  which  they  labored  upon  and  gathered.  Wages, 
however,  when  he  did  pay  them,  amounted  to  about  twenty 
kreutzers  (fifteen  cents)  a  day  !  Good  land  there,  he  thought, 
was  worth  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  dollai-s  an  acre.  One  can 
hardly  understand  how  the  price  of  labor  can  be  so  cheap  compared 
with  that  of  land.  But  they  all  call  it  dear,  and  say  that  wages 
before  and  in  the  Revolution,  were  very  much  less,  often  only  six 
or  eight  cents  a  day. 

However,  we  must  remember  that  Hungary  is  a  land  rich  in 
"  wine  and  corn  "  and  that  all  the  necessaries  of  life  are  very  cheap. 
Wages  have  probably  risen,  because  the  Bauer  do  not  see  the  neces- 
sity of  working  for  others,  when  only  their  little  patch  of  corn  and 
vines,  with  a  drove  of  hogs,  and  perhaps  a  cow  or  two,  will  easily 
keep  them  through  the  year. 

This  will  all  change,  however.  New  wants  will  come  with  new 
civilization,  and  the  peasant  will  throw  away  his  sheep-skin  for 
something  finer,  and  change  his  pork -fat  and  red  pepper  diet  for 
some  foreign  luxuries,  and  then  will  work  enough  for  wages,  if  he  is 
wanted. 

In  the  evening  we  sat  down  to  a  supper  beautifully  served,  of 
many  courses,  according  to  the  Hungarian  custom,  though  after  all 
there  is  little  heavy  eating  or  drinking  at  refined  tables  in  Hungary. 

At  the  close,  we  all  rose  and  bowed  low  to  one  another,  and  the 
daughters  kissed  the  father's  hand. 

I  never  went  among  any  circle  of  the  upper  classes  in  Hungary, 
without  being  struck  with  the  exceeding  beauty  of  tone  in  the  Hun- 
garian language.  The  nation,  as  I  have  often  rem'arked,  arc  a 
people  of  natural  orators,  and  the  language  is  remarkable  for  its 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51  267 

frequent  use  of  vowels  and  liquids.  So  that,  in  a  refined  company 
where  they  are  speaking  in  their  earnest,  passionate  way,  the  sound 
of  the  words,  even  if  one  does  not  understand  them,  is  wonderfully 
beautiful.  To  my  mind,  the  Italian  language  will  not  at  all  equal 
it  in  melody.  It  has,  too,  always,  something  plaintive  and  sad  in  it 
to  my  ear,  and  I  find  others  notice  it  also.  The  same  thing  is  true 
of  their  poetry,  their  national  airs,  their  eloquence.  Is  there  indeed 
something  in  the  very  nature  and  disposition  of  this  people,  which 
is  an  omen  of  its  destiny  ?  Can  it  be,  I  thought  to  myself  that 
evening,  as  I  sat  listening  to  the  plaintive  Hungarian  melodies  and 
the  rich-toned  voices  about  me ;  can  it  be  that  this  noble,  generous- 
hearted  people  are  to  pass  away  utterly  from  the  list  of  nations. 

It  has  often  in  Hungary  seemed  to  me  almost  incredible,  impos- 
sible, that  a  race  so  passionately  loving  its  independence,  so  ready  to 
suffer  all  for  their  country,  so  brave  and  manly  too,  could  ever  really 
be  trampled  down  and  forced  into  the  condition  of  a  subject  peo- 
ple by  such  a  government  as  the  Austrian.  But  alas  !  what  Hun- 
garian ever  loved  his  plains  as  the  Jew  loved  Jerusalem,  or  as  the 
Pole  loved  his  cities  and  his  gallant  republic  ?  Stupidity  and  Bru- 
tality can  tread  down  Nobleness  and  Freedom.  God  allows  it — for 
a  time — but  not  for  ever,  as  He  is  good. 

There  was  something  apparent  in  this  family,  and  in  fact,  through 
all  Hungary,  which  is  not  at  all  to  be  conveyed  by  description,  yet 
which  left  the  deepest  impression  on  me.  A  kind  of  dramatic  air. 
It  was  as  if  throughout  my  whole  journey,  I  was  among  the  actors 
in  a  grand  Tragedy,  but  a  real  tragedy.  There  are  combinations  in 
human  circumstances,  which  may  produce  results  more  dramatic, 
more  poetic  than  poets  have  ever  pictured ;  and  it  seemed  to  me 
it  was  so  in  Hungary. 

And  yet  all  this  is  impossible  to  be  conveyed  in  words  to  others. 


268  THE   LADIES— ELOQUENCE. 

It  consists  so  much  in  slight  things ;  in  the  impassioned  voice,  the 
glance,  the  gesture,  the  words  quickly  uttered,  but  vibrating  to  one's 
very  heart,  the  habits  and  almost  unconscious  expressions. 

I  have  heard  many  eloquent  voices  and  distinguished  orators,  but 
I  certainly  never  listened  to  tones  which  thrilled  so  on  my  ear,  or 
thrill  still  hi  memory  on  my  heart,  as  those  of  the  ladies  in  this 
family  when  they  spoke  of  Hungary  and  the  Heaven-appealing 
wrongs  which  had  oppressed  her ;  and  described  the  noble-hearted 
whom  they  had  known,  who  had  died  for  her  so  gladly,  but  so  use- 
lessly. 

Much  as  I  should  desire  it,  I  do  not  feel  myself  permitted  to  say 
more  of  this  true-hearted  Hungarian  family ;  one  of  the  best  exam- 
ples of  the  Hungarian  character.  I  talked  much  with  them  of  their 
relations  in  foreign  lands,  in  exile  and  disgrace,  for  struggling  for 
Hungary ;  of  Kossuth,  whom  they  knew  and  loved  well,  the  out- 
cast and  the  fugitive.  I  was  surprised  to  find  in  our  conversations, 
that  they  all  still  believed  Gorgey  was  no  traitor ;  and  that  he  had 
only  surrendered  when  there  was  no  other  course  left  him. 

After  a  few  days  pleasant  visit,  I  bade  adieu,  feeling  as  if  I  had 
known  them  all  for  years,  and  with  a  regret  which  hung  about  me 
for  days,  until  the  strange  contrasts  before  me,  drove  it  all  out  of 
my  mind. 

It  may  be  that  in  the  stormy  years  before  them  in  Hungary, 
they  may  yet  be  driven  out  from  their  beautiful  home  to  the  free  Land 
over  the  waters.  If  they  are,  I  do  not  promise  much,  when  I  say, 
that  many  a  hearty  hand  of  welcome,  will  be  stretched  out  to  meet 
them  from  me  and  mine. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Gros  Wardein — -Social  Life. 

From  this  gentleman's  estate,  my  journey  continued  on  in  an 
easterly  direction,  until  at  length,  after  various  similar  experiences  in 
Hungarian  country-life,  I  approached  Gros  Wardein. 

The  neighborhood  was  indicated  some  time  before  we  reached  it, 
by  a  stretch  of  very  beautiful  hills  covered  with  the  vine — a  feature 
of  the  landscape  which  I  had  abundant  opportunities  of  studying 
afterwards.  Some  of  the  wine  made  on  these  vineyards  is  very 
choice  indeed  ;  much  better  than  the  sour  wine  of  the  plains. 

The  gipsies  appear  to  frequent  all  this  part  of  Hungary ;  we  passed 
occasionally  little  encampments  of  them.  They  are  in  great  request 
it  i-  said,  for  musical  entertainments.  One  of  the  first  things  my 
friends  recommended  me  to  see  in  this  Comitat,  was  a  celebrated 
band  of  ( ripsey-muaicians.  However,  I  never  could  find  them  ;  and 
only  heard  the  common  bands,  whoso  performances  are  poor 
enough. 

.My  companions,  as  we  rode  along,  related  some  marvellous 
stories  of  a  certain  English  traveller,  who  had  been  hero — and  of  his 
influence  over  tin-  gipsies. 


270  GIPSIES— MR.  BORROW. 

One  of  them  said,  that  he  was  walking  out  with  him  one  day, 
when  they  met  a  poor  gipsey  woman.  The  Englishman  addressed 
her  in  Hungarian,  and  she  answered  in  the  usual  disdainful  way. 
He  changed  his  language,  however,  and  spoke  a  word  or  two  in  an 
unknown  tongue. 

The  woman's  face  lighted  up  in  an  instant,  and  she  replied  in  the 
most  passionate,  eager  way,  and  after  some  conversation,  dragged 
him  away,  almost  with  her.  After  this,  the  English  gentleman 
visited  a  number  of  their  most  private  gatherings,  and  was  received 
everywhere  as  one  of  them.  He  did  more  good  among  them,  all 
said,  than  all  the  laws  over  them,  or  the  benevolent  efforts  for  them, 
of  the  last  half  century.  They  described  his  appearance — his  tall, 
lank,  muscular  form,  and  mentioned  that  he  had  been  much  in 
Spain,  and  I  saw  that  it  must  be  that  most  ubiquitous  of  travellers 
— Mr.  Borrow. 

As  we  approached  Gros  Wardein,  we  passed  a  large  heath,  well 
known  as  the  place  where  an  immense  force  of  militia  was  drawn 
out,  during  the  last  war,  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  Russians. 

On  the  1 8th  of  June,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  Russians  entered 
the  mountain-passes  of  Hungary  on  the  North.  A  wing  of  the 
main  army,  under  Qeodayff,  some  25,000  strong,  marched  rapidly 
down  through  the  deserted  highway,  and,  much  to  the  surprise  of 
the  inhabitants,  appeared  before  Debreczin  on  the  2d  of  July.  It 
was  feared  this  body  might  continue  its  forced  march,  and  unite 
with  the  hostile  forces  on  the  South.  Accordingly,  the  militia,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Gros  Wardein,  at  once  collected  with  the 
greatest  enthusiasm,  and,  in  such  formidable  bodies,  that  the  Rus- 
sian General  was  glad  to  evacuate  Debreczin,  and  retreat  behind  the 
Theiss. 


HUNGARY   IN    1851.  271 

On  the  very  outskirts  of  the  town,  the  vineyards  and  gardens 
presented  a  singular  aspect  from  the  effects  of  a  violent  hail-storm, 
which  had  just  passed  over  them.  Every  tree  looked  as  our  trees 
do,  after  the  ravages  of  a  swarm  of  canker-worms. 

Sheep,  and  even  some  children,  it  was  said,  had  been  killed  by 
the  hail-stones.  It  shows  the  remarkable  extremes  of  climate  in 
this  region,  that  snow  often  falls  here  in  the  winter  so  as  to  fill  up 
every  road — and  even  to  drift  up  to  the  roofs  of  the  cottages — while 
delicious  grapes  and  melons  ripen  everywhere  in  the  summer.  The 
little  boy  in  the  carriage  with  me,  the  son  of  a  gentleman  I  had 
been  visiting,  gave  a  shout  of  joy  when  he  saw  the  fields  of  General 

R (an  Austrian  officer,  "  a  second  Haynau,"  they   said),  all 

stripped  by  the  storm. 

Just  within  the  town,  my  companions  pointed  out  to  me  a  fine 
large  park,  and  handsome  house,  belonging  to  a  Roman  Catholic 
Bishop,  much  beloved  by  the  people,  and  now  in  an  Austrian  prison 
(Arad,  I  believe),  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  twenty  years.  One 
of  the  truest  Hungarian  patriots,  they  said — and  they  were  zealous 
Protestants  themselves.  It  perhaps  is  not  known  in  America,  how 
nobly  many  of  the  Catholic  clergy  sacrificed  all  for  Hungary. 

The  celebrated  priest,  Wimmer,  who  had  won  the  confidence  of 
the  whole  people,  by  his  self-denying  efforts  among  the  poor,  in 
establishing  schools,  and  improving  agriculture,  organized  and  com- 
manded personally,  a  division  of  the  National  Guards. 

Many  others  proved  their  devotion  to  Hungary  by  dying  on  the 
scaffold,  or  the  gallows  for  their  cause. 

'lb''  Catholic  clergy  of  Hungary  is  perhaps  the  most  riclily- 
endowed  in  the  world. 

The  Archbishop  of  Gran,  who  is  at  the  head  of  the  Church,  has 


272  POLICE-SYSTEM. 

an    income   valued   by  some  at   $100,000,    and   by   others,*   at 
$250,000. 

The  revenues  of  the  Bishop  of  Erlau  were  once  estimated  at 
about  $30,000  ;  and  those  of  the  Bishop  of  Agram  are  put  now,  as 
about  $100,000  !  The  collected  incomes  of  the  whole  clergy  are 
valued  now  at  $1,620,000. 

Those  of  the  Greek  non-united  Church,  are  much  less — not 
more  than  $300,000. 

On  entering  the  town,  I  drove  directly  to  the  house  of  a  gentle- 
man, who  was  expecting  me,  to  whom  I  had  been  introduced  by  the 
Protestant  Bishop  of  Debreczin,     Prof.  Cz . 

The  Professor  had  been  abroad,  during  the  Revolution,  with  a 
pupil,  and  was  not  at  all  one  of  "  the  compromised  party,"  at 
which  I  felt  more  secure,  for  it  was  evident  I  was  getting  under  a 
much  more  oppressive  police  system,  than  in  other  parts  of 
Hungary. 

Men  spoke  far  more  guardedly  with  one  another,  and  as,  of  course, 
I  could  not  generally  lead  the  conversation,  I  observed  in  my  friend's 
house,  it  turned  much  less  on  politics,  than  it  had  everywhere 
before. 

Gros  Wardein  is  one  of  the  great  military  stations  for  the 
Austrians  in  Hungary,  and  naturally  their  rule  is  more  lawless  and 
strict  here. 

In  the  course  of  the  first  day,  we  all  went  out  to  see  the  city. 
Gros  Wardein  is  a  place  of  about  20,000  inhabitants,  but  with  much 
better-built  houses  than  the  other  inland  cities.  The  streets  are 
very  broad,  and  there  are  many  fine  market-places,  which  give  a 
very  pleasant  aspect  to  the  town.  '  The  houses,  as  in  Debreczin,  are 
all  of  one  story.     The  majority  of  the  population  are  Catholics,  and 

*  Springer — Statistik  von  Ungarn. 


>v 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  273 

of  course,  the  place  is  full  of  churches.     It  formerly  boasted  of  more 
than  seventy — there  cannot  now  "be  more  than  twenty-five. 

If  Hungary  ever  should  be  a  prosperous  State  again,  this  city 
would  be  the  great  manufacturing  centre  of  the  country.  The  best 
water-power  I  have  seen  in  Hungary,  is  here  from  the  river  Koros 
and  its  branches ;  and  through  this  town  must  pass  all  the  lines  of 
rail-road  connecting  Eastern  Hungary,  Transylvania,  and  even 
Turkey  with  the  capital. 

Kossuth  and  his  associates  discerned  this  at  once,  and  made  the 
city  their  great  military  depot,  and  manufactory. 

Guns  were  made,  cannon  cast,  clothing  manufactured  here,  and 
the  city  was  busy  enough  during  the  War  of  independence. 

At  the  present  time,  it  presents  a  much  more  lively  appearance 
than  the  other  Hungarian  cities,  and  seems  yet  to  be  manufacturing 
a  little  in  woollens. 

In  the  course  of  the  day  I  was  introduced  at  the  club,  or  Casino, 
where  there  were  some  very  good  reading-rooms,  with  German  and 
Hungarian  papers,  and  a  few  billiard-tables. 

After  some  agreeable  conversation  there,  I  called  with  my  friend 
on  the  various  persons  to  whom  I  had  letters. 

I  was  well  received,  but  I  could  not  but  notice  through  all  a  de- 
pression, a  restraint,  which  showed  the  weight  of  the  oppressive  rule 
over  them.  Politics  were  carefully  avoided,  and  when  one  of  the 
party  commenced  to  repeat  a  good  German  epigram,  which  was 
going  the  rounds  against  Austria,  I  noticed  the  others  checked  him 
at  once,  and  the  subject  was  changed.  No  one  seemed  at  ease. 
The  streets  and  hotels  too,  were  full  of  the  white-coated  Austrian 
soldiers.  The  whole,  with  the  gloomy,  rainy,  weather,  left  a 
depressing  effect  upon  me,  and  I  observed  to  my  companion  that  I 
would  shorten  my  stay  here,  and  go  at  once,  the  n"\i  day,  to  somo 
12*  ' 


274  GENERAL    G . 

curious  sulphur-baths  in  the  neighborhood,  and  then  visit  a  promi- 
nent nobleman,  near  by — M.  de  Tisza,  to  whom  I  had  letters — of 
whose  estimable  family  I  had  heard  the  highest  accounts  all  through 
Hungary. 

Among  our  other  visits,  was  one  upon  the  only  survivor  of  the 
fourteen  generals,  tried  and  condemned  by  the  Austrian  Courts,  at 
the  close  of  the  War. 

Thirteen  were  shot  almost  in  a  squad,  and  this  man,  the  fourteenth, 
was  respited,  because  he  had  opposed  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, and  had  refused,  I  think,  to  serve  after  that.  He  had  been 
an  officer  in  the  Emperor's  service  for  twenty  years  before  the  Revo- 
lution.    He  is  evidently  "  loyal"  enough  now. 

A  hearty,  whole-souled  man,  I  should  think,  with  a  true  soldier's 
honor,  but  a  mere  JIaudegen,  as  they  call  him,    "  Slasher"  no 
General,  and  no  man  for  the  new  times.     Such  men  will  not  be  of 
much  use,  when  the  next  Revolution  breaks  out  in  Hungary. 

At  the  dinner  hour,  as  Professor  C.  did  not  dine  at  his  house,  we 
both  proceeded  to  a  Hotel  near  by. 

The  salle  was  crowded  with  dashing  Austrian  officers,  mostly 
engaged  in  drinking  Hungarian  wine,  and  swearing  at  Hungarian 
quarters.  At  length,  we  found  a  little  table  in  one  corner,  where 
there  were  already  two  gentlemen,  sitting,  and  ordered  our  dinner. 

In  the  course  of  the  meal,  my  friend  engaged  the  two  others  in 
conversation,  and  perhaps  to  show  that  he  had  an  American  as  an 
acquaintance,  asked  me  a  question  about  Ujhazy's  Hungarian  Colony 
in  America. 

I  remember,  I  answered  in  a  general  way,  that  the  "  soil  was  very 
good,  climate  favorable,"  that  "  they  all  had  to  work  very  hard,  like 
all  the  emigrants  in  America,"  and  "  that  Ujhazy  was  much  respected 
in  America,  &c." 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  275 

I  recollect  at  tlie  time,  I  avoided  all  farther  conversation,  from  a 
kind  of  mistrust  I  felt  of  the  two  men  at  the  table.  I  could 
scarcely  tell  why — perhaps  because  they  were  evidently  not  Hun- 
garians— perhaps  from  some  undefinable  expression  in  their  faces. 
However,  I  thought  no  more  of  it,  and  left  the  Hotel  with  my 
friend,  to  pay  my  visits  to  my  various  acquaintances. 

The  evening  I  spent  in  writing  home,  and  the  next  day  went 
abroad  again  to  see  the  curiosities,  and  notabilities  of  the  city.  In 
the  course  of  our  visits,  we  called  upon  the  Obergcspan  (Governor.) 
of  the  Comitat.  We  had  scarcely  exchanged  greetings,  when  ho 
said  to  my  friend,  that  the  gentleman  was  under  suspicion,  as  he  had 
not  handed  in  his  Passe  to  the  Police !" 

I  .replied,  that  "  I  had  supposed  twenty-four  hours  would  be 
allowed  here,  as  in  the  other  Hungarian  cities,  and,  as  no  one  had 
demanded  it,  on  entering  the  town,  I  had  not  handed  it  in — but 
that  I  would  go  directly  to  the  Place-Commandant? 

He  commenced  some  explanations,  which  I  cut  short,  and  wished 
him  "  Good  morning,"  feeling  a  little  nettled  at  his  whole  manner, 
and  proceeded  immediately  to  the  office  of  the  Commandant. 

He  took  the  Passe,  said  there  would  be  no  difficulties,  that  he 
would  hand  it  to  the  General  for  inspection,  and  I  could  send  for  it, 
in  the  afternoon — all  in  the  pleasantest,  politest  way- -and  I  left, 
feeling  quite  relieved,  as  I  knew  they  would  be  glad  of  any  pretext, 
to  proceed  against  an  American. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

The  Arrest. 

In  the  afternoon,  after  this  occurrence,  I  went  to  a  dinner-party 
to  which  I  had  been  invited.  We  were  in  the  midst  of  a  very 
pleasant  conversation,  my  friends  congratulating  me  that  all  pre- 
tense for  proceedings  from  the  Authorities  was  taken  away,  and  I 
telling  a  story  of  the  Viennese  Police,  when  we  were  suddenly  inter- 
rupted by  the  appearance  of  a  little  gentleman  in  black,  followed  by 
a  gens  cParme.  The  small  gentleman  announced  himself  as  the 
"  Chief  of  Police,"  with  a  "  warrant  for  my  arrest  and  the  examina- 
tion of  my  papers,  on  charge  of  my  having  Proclamations  /"  We 
took  the  matter  very  quietly,  and  asked  the  Chief  to  sit  down  with 
us.  I  ate  two  plates  of  the  Hungarian  Strudel,  (pudding,)  to  show 
my  indifference  and  then  we  all  drank  coffee  and  smoked  together, 
and  drove  around  in  company  to  the  house  of  my  friend. 

Before  going,  I  expressed  my  regret  to  the  lady — our  hostess — 
at  such  an  unpleasant  interruption.  She  assured  me,  they  had 
become  quite  used  to  such  things.  "  AVe  Hungarians  expect  nothing 
else  now  P 

In  riding  around,  the  sens  d'arme  told  me,  that  the  warrant  had 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  277 

been  given  him  the  day  before  (not  six  hours  after  my  arrival,)  and, 
as  I  was  stopping  at  a  private  house,  he  could  not  find  me,  and  had 
searched  all  through  that  stormy  night  in  every  hotel  and  lodging- 
house  of  the  city !  At  my  friend's  house,  we  found  a  sentinel 
already  stationed,  and  all  my  writings  aud  books  collected  together 
in  a  bundle.  I  could  not  but  smile  to  myself  at  the  idea  of  my 
papers  being  faithfully  examined  for  dangerous  political  sentiments, 
as  they  were  either  affectionate  letters  from  friends,  or  sentimental 
and  religious  effusions  of  my  own,  written  in  a  veiy  bad  hand,  and 
very  dull  to  any  one  but  the  author.  However,  I  expressed  myself 
to  the  Director  that  such  proceedings  on  the  part  of  the  authori- 
ties against  strangers,  would  be  found  not  for  the  interest  of  Austria 
herself. 

After  a  close  examination  of  my  friend's  effects,  the  gens  d'arme 
drove  me  to  the  office  of  one  of  the  military  authorities,  left  my 
portfolio  and  papers  there,  and  then  rode  to  his  barracks,  "  where 
I  would  be  obliged  to  wait  a  short  time,"  he  said.  It  was  a  little 
mess-room,  where  he  left  me,  with  sabres,  and  hunting-flasks,  and 
German  love  ditties,  and  pipes  scattered  about — and  a  small  colony 
of  terrier  pups  under  the  table.  I  waited  long,  looking  at  everything 
in  the  room  and  without,  and  wondering  what  the  end  of  all  this 
was  going  to  be.     * 

At  last,  he  returned,  and  said  I  must  accompany  him  "  for  a  tem- 
porary arrest."  I  followed,  and  we  drove  to  the  old  castle,  outside 
of  the  city. 

As  we  rode  through  the  heavy  old  arched  gateway,  into  the 
Court  within,  I  looked  around  curiously  at  the  grim  walls,  and  could 
not  but  feel  a  momentary  heart-sinking,  when  I  remembered  how 
far  I  was  from  friend  or  aid,  and  how  many  a  hopeful  man  h.ul  en- 
tered such  a  prison  in  the  Austrian  states,  never  to  come  forth  again. 


278  NEW    QUARTERS. 

However,  I  did  not  see  what  possible  ground  there  could  be  for  a 
long  imprisonment,  and  therefore  followed  my  gens  d'arme  cheerfully 
up  the  old  stairway.  He  transferred  rae  to  two  soldiers  in  the  hall, 
who  stood  on  guard  over  me,  with  fixed  bayonets.  Here  we  waited 
some  time,  until  at  length  a  little  officer,  with  a  sharp  voice,  told 
the  soldiers  to  bring  me  up  stairs.  Up,  accordingly,  we  marched, 
and  the  officer  asked,  why  I  was  here.  "  I  have  not  the  slightest 
idea,"  I  replied  ;  "  I  supposed  it  was  because  I  was  an  American," 

He  then  said,  he  had  commands  to  search  my  person,  and,  with- 
out more  ceremony,  proceeded  to  the  work.  Every  possible  hole 
and  corner  was  searched  in  my  pockets ;  and  everything  to  the  last 
Kreutz.er,  and  smallest  bit  of  paper,  taken  out,  and  carefully  noted 
down ;  my  watch  and  tooth-pick  being  the  only  things  left  me.  I 
said  not  a  word  during  the  whole  search,  though  I  must  say,  if  there 
is  anything  calculated  to  make  a  man  feel  like  a  felon,  it  is  such  a  pro- 
cedure. After  this  was  over,  he  took  me  through  a  dirty  cell  where 
were  some  half-dozen  men — into  a  still  dirtier,  dimly  lighted  by  a 
grated  window,  which  was  boarded  up  on  the  outside  nearly  to  the 
top>  and  told  me,  "  there  w'ere  my  quarters." 

I  asked  him  if  he  "  could  give  me  no  better  ?" 

"No,"  said  he,  "I  am  ordered  to  place  you  here!  You  can 
have  these  two  gentlemen  here  for  company.  It  will  be  part  of 
your  experience  as  a  traveller.     Gute  Nacht  /" 

The  two  "gentlemen"  were,  the  one  a  common  Honved,  con- 
victed  of  carrying  a  false  pass,  and  the  other  a  tailor,  sentenced  to 
five  months,  for  having  a  concealed  weapon. 

I  had  not  been  there  long  before  a  friendly  voice  from  the  other 
room  called  me  to  the  key-hole,  and  told  me,  "  not  to  be  Hue,  for  it 
was  always  hard  at  first." 

"  And,  friend,  what  is  the  news  from  our  people  in  Europe  ?" 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  279 

I  thought  it  best,  under  the  circumstances  to  say  as  little  as  pos- 
sible, and  replied,  "  I  did  not  know  at  all,  for  I  was  only  a  travel- 
ler." Whereupon  the  voice  wished  me  a  good  sleep,  in' French, 
and  struck  up,  for  my  consolation,  the  "  Marsclleise"  with  great 
spirit. 

As  it  may  be  imagined,  I  slept  little  that  night.  The  sudden 
change  from  my  most  interesting  travel  to  this  dismal  dungeon  ;  the 
uncertainty  and  strangeness  of  it  all,  were  too  much  to  allow  me 
rest.  At  one  time,  it  seemed  a  very  interesting  adventure,  and  as 
if  I  should  easily  escape  the  next  day,  after  the  mistake  was  dis- 
covered. 

At  another,  I  thought  I  saw  that  there  was  a  deliberate  intention 
to  treat  me  as  a  common  criminal,  and  I  remembered  I  was  com- 
pletely in  the  power  of  the  Austrian  police.  Yet  I  felt  confident 
that  not  the  slightest  word  or  writing  of  a  treasonable  character, 
could  be  brought  up  against  me — and,  if  there  was  the  least  jus- 
tice here,  I  was  sure  of  coming  out  directly.  To  add  to  my  discom- 
fit, was  the  filthy  state  of  the  bed,  which  was  full  of  fleas  and  ver- 
min, so  that  my  body  on  the  next  morning  looked  as  if  I  had  had 
a  very  unpleasant  cutaneous  disorder. 

The  next  day  was  Sunday,  and  I  walked  to  and  fro  in  the  cell, 
waiting  for  the  summons  to  the  trial,  which  I  understood  was  to 
take  place,  and  longing  to  have  such  a  disagreeable  mistake  cor- 
rected. 

At  length,  in  the  afternoon,  the  Provost  undid  the  heavy  bare  ; 
I  was  placed  between  two  soldiers,  with  fixed  bayonets,  and  marched 
down  to  a  room  below,  where  the  Court  was  sitting. 

It  was  a  small,  well-furnished  room,  with  a  large  table,  behind 
which  sat  four  officers  in  full  military  dress,  and  a  clerk ;  on  the 
other  hi<l<-,  were  eight  soldiers  with  muskets — the  "  Beisitzer." 


280  THE    EXAMINATION. 

The  officers  bowed  politely,  and  the  Provost  placed  a  seat  for 
me.  An  intellectual-looking,  keen  eyed  man.  at  my  end  of  the 
table,  commenced  the  examination  in  the  bland  way,  so  peculiar  to 
the  Austrian  officers. 

The  first  questions  were  entirely  unimportant.  "  What  is  your 
name,  sir  ?"  What  is  your  father's  name  ?  Where  were  you 
born  ?  What  is  your  profession  ?  Where  was  your  residence  ?" 
Here  a  little  pardonable  delay  occurred,  in  the  Clerk's  difficulty  over 
the  word  "  Connecticut,"  the  name  of  my  native  State. 

After  these,  more  closely,  questions  as  to  my  route  in  Europe — 
and  here  every  answer  was  compared  exactly  with  the  vises  on  my 
Passeporte;  then  of  my  acquaintances,  and  finally  the  question  put 
with  great  earnestness  .by  the  examining  officer  or  Major. 

"  What  are  your  objects  in  Hungary  f 

As  I  was  before  a  court  of  soldiers,  and  as  a  man  not  accustomed 
to  be  ashamed  of  his  objects  anywhere,  I  explained  fully  and  frankly 
my  plans : 

"  I  am  travelling  in  Hungary,  gentlemen,  as  I  have  travelled  in 
other  lands,  with  the  purpose  of  studying  the  character  and  man- 
ners of  the  people,  and  with  the  particular  object  of  investigating 
the  old  political  institutions  of  the  Hungarians.  There  has  always 
been  a  want  of  good  reports  in  America,  with  respect  to  the  old 
Constitution  of  this  Nation.  I  wished  to  see  its  workings,  on 
the  spot.  My  object  has  been  no  other  than  that  of  a  candid  inves- 
tigator." 

I  soon  saw  that  I  had  made  a  great  mistake.  I  was  not  at  all 
before  a  frank  soldier,  or  a  court  dispensing  justice,  but  in  the  hands 
of  a  keen,  cold,  heartless  inquisitor,  using  every  device  to  entangle 
me,  and  determined,  from  some  unaccountable  reason,  to  fasten  a 
crime  upon  me. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  281 

"  We  do  not  believe  your  account,  sir,"  said  he,  "  we  know  the 
sympathy  of  the  Americans  with  these  revolutionists  here.  We 
know  that  no  American  traveller  would  leave  the  great  routes  of 
travel  for  such  a  vague  purpose  as  this.  You  are  the  first  who  has 
ever  been  in  the  land.     We  know  your  object  I" 

It  was  in  vain  I  assured  him  that  our  countrymen  travelled  in  all 
lands ;  and  that  to  a  thinking  man,  nothing  was  more  interesting 
than  the  political  institutions  of  a  country.  He  would  hear  nothing 
of  it,  and  I  gave  up  the  controversy,  by  asking  for  "  his  proofs  of 
any  other  object  ?" 

He  did  not  answer,  but  continued  :  "  But,  why  go  to  R (a  village 

on  the  Theiss).  Travellers  do  not  visit  such  out-of-the-way  places. 
Sir  we  understand  you.  We  can  prove  that  every  one  of  your 
acquaintances  has  some  connection  or  relative  among  the  emigrants 
in  America.  We  can  prove  that  you  are  in  a  wide  conspiracy.  We 
understand  this  route  of  travel,  and  those  many  acquaintances. 
There  is  a  wide  complot  here.  I  have  been  accustomed  to  tvace 
plots  for  many  years.  I  see  your  object.  Speak  out  openly  and 
confess !" 

I  was  startled.     Such  a  perversion  of  all  ideas  at  justice  ! 

I  put  on  an  indifferent  face,  however,  and  answered — "  I  do  not 
believe  you  have  such  proofs.  I  do  not  remember  a  single  acquaint- 
ance who  has  a  relative  in  America.  I  have  visited  villages,  as  well 
as  cities  in  Hungary,  with  the  view  of  seeing  all  sides  of  the  land.?' 

'Lhe  next  questions  of  the  most  searching  kind  were,  as  to  my 
acquaintance  with  the  Hungarian  emigrants. 

Fortunately  for  me,  T  had  met  but  few  whose  names  I  remember- 
ed, and  of  these,  the  only  one  of  importance  was  (Jen.  Czetz,  whom 
I  had  met  in  Hamburg,  and  who  had,  very  politely,  given  me  a 
note  of   introduction  to  a  friend  in  Pcsth,  a  Government  Oilier, 


232  ':  PROOFS.'' 

which  I  still  had  with  me.  The  note  was  of  the  simplest  form  ever 
used  in  Europe,  merely — "  The  Herr  von  Czetz  introduces  with 
pleasure,  Mr.  Brace,  to  his  friend  Mr.  S.  of  Pesth."  Yet  this  was 
pounced  upon  with  the  greatest  avidity,  by  the  examining  Major,  or 
"  Auditor,"  as  he  is  called. 

"  We  understand  the  countersigns  and  secret  devices  of  your 
Democratic  Society.     You  hide  a  conspiracy  under  a  few  words. 

"  You  will  enter  a  room  and  only  say  '  Good  Morning  !'  and  you 
can  convey  at  once  under  those  words,  some  political  sign.  There 
is  some  plot  hidden  under  this  introduction.  Explain  to  the  court, 
your  only  hope  is  in  confession  !" 

I  smiled  at  such  a  perversion,  and  told  him  "  he  must  know  the 
world  veiy  little,  or  he  would  know  such  formal  introductions  were 
the  commonest  things — I  had  a  dozen  now  in  my  portfolio." 

Yet,  despite  the  bold  face  I  put  on  the  matter,  I  began  to  be  far 
from  easy.  I  began  to  have  a  sense  as  if  I  was  getting  entangled 
in  meshes,  from  which  I  could  not  escape.  I  saw  the  whole  thing 
was  no  trifling  matter,  as  I  had  at  first  supposed.  The  thought  that 
he  might  have  suborned  witnesses  flashed  over  me,  and  I  remem- 
bered how  utterly  helpless  I  was. 

The  memory  of  all  the  terrible  stories  I  had  ever  read  in  novels 
or  histories  of  Spanish  Inquisitions,  came  over  me,  and  for  a  moment 
I  had  that  dreamy  sense,  as  if  it  was  not  I,  but  some  one  else,  here 
in  that  strange  peril.  These  of  course  were  only  thoughts  of  a 
moment,  and  I  set  myself  to  bide  the  worst,  and  meet  the  examina- 
tion carefully  and  manfully. 

It  came  out  in  the  course  of  the  questioning  that  I  had  seen 
IT.thazy  once,  in  the  streets  of  New  York.  To  this,  for  some  reason 
I  could  not  then  understand,  he  returned  again  and  again. 

"  Where  have  you  spoken  with  him  ?" 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  2S3 

"  I  had  never  spoken  with  him." 

"  "What  is  your  connection  with  him  ?" 

"  I  have  none." 

"  Speak  out,  sir,  open  and  frankly.  Do  not  hold  back  so  much  ! 
What  is  your  agreement  with  Ujhazy,  and  where  are  your  letters 
from  him  2" 

"  I  have  none  at  all.     I  know  nothing  of  him." 

"  Sir,"  said  he,  "  be  careful  what  you  say.  This  is  no  unimportant 
matter.  We  know  well  the  sympathies  of  your  countrymen  for  this 
rebel  leader,  and  for  his  party  here.  We  have  good  evidence  of  your 
acquaintance.     Make  an  open,  candid  confession  !" 

"  I  repeat  it,  and  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  say  it  again,  that  I 
do  not  know  Ujhazy,  and  have  never  spoken  with  him.  If  you 
have  proofs,  you  must  bring  them  forward.  I  cannot  understand 
how  such  a  suspicion  of  my  being  in  a  complot,  can  have  arisen  ? 
Even  if  I  had  known  Ujhazy,  and  every  Hungarian  emigrant  in 
America,  it  would  be  no  evidence  of  any  conspiracy  with  them." 

Next  came  up  the  point  of  my  having  visited  certain  persons  who 
were,  in  1848,  engaged  in  the  Revolution.  I  admitted  it,  but  urged. 
that  I  had  also  visited  men  of  the  other  party,  even  the  Govern- 
ment officials,  and  that  my  letters  were  to  the  principal  men  of  all 
parties. 

"  We  understand  it,  sir  !     That  is  your  screen  /"  said  he. 

In  my  luggage  was  found  a  pamphlet,  printed  in  18-18,  called 
"  Hungary's  Good  Right"  written  by  Pulsky.  It  advocated 
strorvdy  the  Hungarian  side,  and  at  the  end  was  a  line  written  in 
pencil  from  Virgil,  beginning  "  Graviora  passi  /"  etc.  "Oh!  ye, 
who  have  too  sorely  suffered,  God  shall  at  length  bring  an  end  to 
this  too !" 

Over  this  the  Auditor  declaimed  with  great  vehemence.     This 


284  CROSS-QUESTIONING. 

pamphlet  showed  my  cursed  Revolutionary  sentiments.  "  These  are 
the  things  which  you  scatter  among  the  people.  Look  at  this  line, 
sir  !  God  will  end  the  sufferings  of  the  Hungarians  \  What  does 
that  mean  ?     God  will  bring  aid  perhaps  from  others  !" 

I  smiled  at  such  a  storm  over  a  quotation,  and  told  him  I  had 
never  observed  the  line  before.  He  would  notice  it  was  not  in  my 
handwriting.     Still  I  could  not  see  anything  very  treasonable  in  it. 

"  It  proves  nothing.  I  have  been  collecting  documents  from  all 
sides,  and  this  is  one.  I  can  prove  from  Vienna,  that  when  there,  I 
read  works  on  the  other  side.  Besides,  even  if  it  showed  my  political 
sentiments  it  does  not  all  prove  I  am  in  a  revolutionary  com  plot.  And 
furthermore,  old  revolutionary  pamphlets,  which  no  one  reads  now 
except  the  historical  investigator,  are  the  very  last  things  an  emissary 
would  carry  about  with  him.  If  it  was  a  modern,  exciting  bro- 
chure, or  a  proclamation,  it  would  be  different ;  but  this  /" 

"  The  reading  works  on  the  other  side  was  only  natural  in  an 
educated  man,"  said  he. 

I  then  ventured  to  ask,  "  What  would  not  be  suspicious  in  an 
American  in  the  view  of  the  Austrian  authorities  ?  It  was  '  sus- 
picious' to  visit  men  of  the  Hungarian  party,  and  only  a  '  sham'  to 
visit  those  of  the  other.  It  was  '  revolutionary'  if  one  read  books  on 
one  side,  and  proved  nothing  good  if  one  read  them  on  the  other. 

"  I  am  not  here  to  argue,"  was  the  reply. 

Every  slightest  thing  which  the  Auditor  could  find  to  make  out  a 
case  against  me,  was  eagerly  grasped. 

I  had  been  visiting  a  gentleman  in  the  neighborhood,  who  was 
intimately  connected  with  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Hungarian 
party  in  1848.  As  I  was  going  away,  he  gave  me  his  own  card, 
which  I  could  present  as  a  card  of  introduction  to  his  relative,  now 
residing  in  England.     Being  in  a  hurry,  I  merely  wrote  down  on 


HUxNGARY    IN    1851.  285 

the  card  the  address  in  London,  and  dropped   it   in  my  pocket. 
This  was  all  eagerly  caught  at  by  the  prosecuting  officer. 

"  It  was  not  a  common  card,  for  then  there  would  be  no  pencil 
marks  upon  it.  It  was  not  a  card  of  recommendation,  for  there  is 
nothing  said  of  introduction  on  it.  It  is  the  secret  cover  of  a  plot. 
Confess,  sir,  what  there  is  under  this  ?  Beside,  why  have  you 
visited  this  family  ?" 

"  I  replied  that  I  had  had  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  gentleman, 
and  I  wished  especially  to  see  something  of  country  life  and  of  a 
farm,  on  a  Puszta.  And,  as  for  the  card  of  invitation,  it  could  not 
be  thought  a  crime,  when  the  gentleman  himself  had  been  allowed 
by  government,  to  go  to  England  to  visit  his  relative." 

"  We  do  not  believe  your  reasons.  Country  life  is  the  same  in 
all  nations ;  and  as  for  this  Puszta,  it  is  a  desolate,  uninteresting 
place.  Confess,  sir.  This  gentleman,  who  lives  there,  is  connected 
with  a  distinguished  rebel  in  England.  %You  have  letters  from  his 
relative.     You  were  introduced  by  him  !" 

"  Sir,"  said  I,  "  I  do  not  know  the  gentleman's  relative,  and  there 
is  no  proof  that  I  do.  I  was  introduced  to  Mr.  B.  by  a  friend  here 
in  Hungary.  Mr.  B.  himself  has  never  been  compromised  in  the 
Revolution.  And  you  must  know  Hungary  very  little,  or  you 
would  know  such  an  estate  as  his,  is  5ne  of  the  most  interesting 
objects  to  a  stranger  !" 

He  shrugged  his  shoulders  in  utter  incredulity,  and  proceeded  to 
other  questions. 

It  should  be  mentioned  here,  that  the  earlier  bland  manner  of  the 
Auditor  had  become  by  this  time  quite  changed.  At  one  time  he 
bullied,  then  turned  my  words,  then  drew  me  out,  in  hopes  of  my 
speaking  too  much ;  apparently,  throughout,  in  the  fixed  determina- 


286  BROW-BEATING. 

tion,  from  some  hidden  motive,  of  fastening  a  "  conspiracy"  upon 
me. 

"I  see  how  it  is,"  said  he,  turning  to  the  President  of  the  Court, 
"  he  has  been  in  London,  Paris,  and  Berlin,  the  head-quarters  of 
the  democratic  movements.  He  is  acquainted  with  the  American 
embassies.  They  have  given  him  every  access  to  these  emigrants, 
and  now  he  is  carrying  out  their  plots.  Your  movement  is  dis- 
covered, sir,"  turning  to  me,  "  and  your  only  course,  now,  and  hope, 
is  in  confession.  Inform  the  Court  what  your  connection  with  the 
Democratic  Committee  is,  and  with  the  Hungarian  emigrants !" 

It  was  astonishing  how  suspicious,  under  his  management,  every- 
thing was  made  to  appear.  My  route  in  Europe,  which  had  been 
rather  circuitous,  showed  such  suspicious  objects  !  My  entering 
Hungary,  too,  on  such  vague,  philosophical  motives !  My  course 
of  travel  in  the  land,  somewhat  eccentric,  owing  to  my  wish  to  see 
country-life  as  well  as  city  life,  he  either  could  not  or  would  not 
understand. 

The  very  morning  I  was  arrested,  some  spy  had  dogged  my  steps, 
and  known  that  I  put  a  letter  in  the  post-office  for  Vienna.  I 
acknowledged  it,  and  stated  that  it  enclosed  a  letter  to  a  friend  near 
New  York. 

"  Ha !  I  understand  it.  "  You  have  avoided  handing  in  your 
Passe,  till  you  could  communicate  with  your  accomplices.  We  will 
examine  that  man  in  Vienna.  We  will  show  what  your  story  is 
worth  of  merely  '  letters  to  friends  !'  " 

I  did  not  answer,  for  I  had  already  given  my  reasons  for  not 
handing  in  my  passport,  except  to  ask  for  "  proofs." 

This  long  course  of  badgering  and  worrying  at  length  began  to 
have  its  natural  effect  on  me,  and  my  replies  grew  as  brief  and  curt 
as  my  own  defense  would  allow,  until  at  last,  in  an  attempt  of  his 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  2S7 

to  twist  a  mistake  of  my  German  into  a  charge  against  me,  I  rose 
up  and  said,  "  Sir,  you  are  bound  here,  as  public  Investigator,  to  be 
unbiassed  in  this  case.  You  are  to  remember  I  am  here  a  stranger, 
defending  myself  in  a  foreign  language.  You  are  to  take  my  words 
as  I  explain  them  !" 

He  said  nothing,  and  turned  to  a  farther  examination  of  my 
papers. 

Among  the  many  questions  put  on  the  trial  this  day,  was  a  long 
series  in  regard  to  the  persons  I  had  called  upon,  in  Gross  Warden) 
and  Debreczin,  and  throughout — and  my  reasons  therefor. 

"  Your  acquaintances,  sir,"  said  he,  "  belong  to  that  unfortunate 
party  of  rebels,  and  were  strongly  compromised  in  the  Revolution. 
What  has  been  your  object  with  such  men  ?  Are  you  not  here,  an 
American,  the  first  who  has  been  here  among  the  people,  to  sow 
another  Revolution  ?     We  know  your  countrymen  !" 

As  the  examination,  already  some  six  hours  in  length,  seemed  draw- 
ing towards  a  close,  I  rose,  and  urged  some  further  arguments  for  my 
case.  "Sir,"  said  I,  "  as  I  said  before,  I  cannot  understand  how 
this  suspicion  has  arisen  against  me.  I  have  told  you  frankly  and 
freely  my  objects  in  Uungary.  You  will  see  that  my  whole  course 
of  action  here  has  not  been  at  all  that  of  an  emissary.  I  have  been 
in  public  places,  I  have  visited  men  of  all  parties,  my  letters  of  in- 
troduction there,  in  my  papers,  are  to  the  principal  men  of  Hun- 
gary ;  men  standing  far  above  all  suspicion  of  joining  in  secret  poli- 
tical intrigues.  All  the  writings  found  upon  me  of  my  own  will 
show  my  objects  to  have  been  merely  those  of  a  traveller.  Alone 
here  and  unknown,  I  appeal  to  the  American  embassies  in  Europe, 
in  Berlin,  Vienna,  London,  for  proofs  that  my  former  character  has 
not  been  at  all  that  of  an  intriguer  or  revolutionary  conspirator  !" 

"Sir,"  said  he,  interrupting  me,  "that  has  nothing  to  do  with  the 


288  ACCUSATION. 

case  !"  Then  with  his  most  solemn  tone,  "  This  day  I  am  a  true 
servant  of  my  Kaiser,  but  God  only  knows  into  what  treasonable 
plots  I  may  fall  to-morrow !  We  have  had  such  experience  here 
as  to  show  us  that  no  purity  of  character  is  a  security  against  join- 
ing in  revolutionary  efforts.  You  may  make  it  a  part  of  your 
religion  to  spread  a  Revolution  /" 

I  could  not  but  acknowledge  the  truth  of  it  as  far  as  Hungary 
was  concerned,  though  I  thought  it  did  not  speak  especially  well 
for  his  own  party.  As  I  saw  that  any  farther  defense  was  useless, 
I  said  no  more,  and  listened  in  silence  to  the  accusation  read  against 
me,  nearly  in  these  words — 

"  You  are  a  member  of  the  Democratic  Verein,  ( Union)  and 
employed  by  the  Committee,  and  an  agent  of  Ujhazy  and  Csetz, 
here  in  Hungary,  for  the  purpose  of  spreading  Revolutionary 
movements  /" 

As  it  appeared  later,  the  only  possible  evidence  which  they  had 
for  this  charge,  besides  what  is  mentioned  above,  where  the  words 
I  had  uttered  in  the  hotel.  The  two  men  opposite  us  at  table  were 
members  of  the  Secret  Police,  and  had  reported  immediately  that 
there  was  an  American  in  the  city  who  "spoke  as  if  acquainted 
with  Ujhazy." 

I  beg  the  reader  to  consider  the  whole  mode  of  this  examination, 
as  showing  the  spirit  of  the  Court  toward  the  accused  in  this  case. 
A  stranger  is  suddenly  summoned  before  a  secret  Court.  He  is  not 
allowed  to  hear  the  accusation  against  him.  He  knows  nothing  of 
the  testimony.  He  is  permitted  no  advocate  nor  friend ;  must 
defend  himself  on  a  question,  perhaps  of  life  and  death,  in  a  foreign 
language.  The  examination  is  not  that  of  a  magistrate  searching 
for  the  probabilities  of  an  offense,  but  of  an  inquisitor  determined  to 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  289 

entangle  and  to  punish.     And  the  examining  officer  is  at  once  pro- 
secutor, judge  and  witness  for  the  State. 

After  the  charge  was  read,  I   was  conducted  back  to  my  prison- 
room,  by  the  Provost  and  two  soldiers,  and,  as  he  passed  through 
the   first   cell   I   heard   the  prisoners   ask   him,  "  Will  he  be  im 
prisoned  ?"     "  Ganz  bestimmt  /"     ("  Without  a   doubt,")  was  the 
reply.     "With  this  consolation  was  I  locked  in  for  the  second  night. 

13 


CHAPTER   XXXV. 

The   Prison. 

In  an  Austrian  Prison — and  almost  sentenced  ! 

I  threw  myself  on  the  dirty  bed,  and  could  scarcely  believe  it  all 
real.     It  half  seemed  as  if  it  must  be  a  dream. 

I  went  back  over  the  examination  step  by  step.  I  saw  that  the 
Judge  seemed  from  the  first,  to  have  resolved  on  convicting  me. 
He  spoke  too,  of  "  proofs,"  which  if  they  were  real,  would  be  fatal  to 
me.  Perhaps  he  had  bribed  witnesses ;  or  perhaps  some  of  my 
many  letters  of  introduction,  contained  expressions  which  would  be 
twisted  into  evidence  of  a  plot. 

I  thought  of  where  I  might  have  answered  better.  Yet,  on  the 
whole,  I  had  nothing  to  regret.  I  had  come  before  the  Court,  not 
knowing  the  accusation,  and  had  answered  everything  honestly  and 
truly.  Jt  all  looked  hopeless  enough.  I  knew  they  would  be  very 
glad  to  sentence  an  "  American."  And  who  could  ever  know  or 
hear  of  my  being  there  ? 

It  came  over  me,  as  if  all  I  had  ever  heard  or  read  of  these  Aus- 
trian dungeons  and  secret  Inquisitions  was  true — and  true  for  me. 
Perhaps  my  Life — all  that  I  had  wished  and  hoped  for — all  that  I 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  291 

had  been  preparing  for,  was  to  end  here,  to  close  in  this  mean, 
miserable  way.  I  might  die  openly  without  much  fear — but  to  be 
stifled  in  a  dark  hole  in  this  manner  ! 

I  thought,  too,  of  a  long  imprisonment — that  I  should  be  rotting 
here  the  best  years  of  my  life.  And  there  came  over  me  a  picture 
of  myself  returning  home,  rheumatic,  broken  in  health — those  T 
loved,  dead,  and  all  I  knew,  forgetting  me — and  my  plans  for  life, 
utterly  ruined.  Then  it  seemed  to  me  my  reason  would  not  bear 
this,  and  I  remembered  the  young  Hungarian,  who  had  come  out 
from  this  very  prison  after  three  years,  a  lunatic,  and  I  felt  sure, 
one  year  would  do  the  same  for  me. 

The  contrast,  too,  with  my  previous  life,  was  most  depressing.  I 
had  not  had  so  interesting  or  exciting  a  journey  in  Europe — and 
now  to  be  shut  up  here  in  these  narrow  walls  ! 

My  imagination  became  so  worked  up  by  all  this,  that  for  a 
moment  the  air  seemed  growing  close  and  stifling — and  I  sprung 
up  and  walked  to  and  fro.     In  the  midst  of -my  reflections,  a  voice 
called  me  to  the  key-hole  of  the  next  room — the  same  friendly  voice 
which  I  had  heard  on  my  first  night. 

"  Friend  !     Are  you  gloomy  ?" 

"  No,"  said  I,  "  not  at  all." 

"  How  does  it  stand  with  your  case  ?" 

"  Bad — though  it  is  all  suspicion — no  proofs  !" 

"  Friend !  Do  you  not  know  the  House  of  Austria  needs  no 
proofs  ?     Suspicion  is  enough  /" 

I  felt  within  myself  the  man  was  right,  though  I  answered 
cheerily. 

I  turned  now  for  conversation  to  my  two  comrades,  who  were 
lying  on  their  beds,  Bmoking.  We  were  already  on  good  terms; 
and  T  soon  engaged  them  in  talking. 


29£  NIGHT-THOUGHTS. 

They  were  good-natured  fellows,  but  decidedly  stupid.  As 
it  appeared  from  their  account,  the  Auditor  here  was  a  noto- 
riously cruel  Judge.  More  men  had  been  hung  by  this  Court 
than  by  any  other  secret  Court  of  Hungary.  There  were  peasants 
then  in  the  prison,  who  had  been  here  four  months,  on  some  trifling 
charge,  without  having  a  hearing  ! 

After  some  farther  talk,  I  laid  myself  down  again  to  try  to  sleep. 
But  with  my  heated  brain,  and  the  innumerable  fleas,  it  was  impos- 
sible. My  mind  seemed  now  to  have  recovered  from  its  first 
confusion.  A  deep,  burning  sense  of  indignation  at  such  injustice 
settled  upon  me. 

The  noble  sympathies  of  my  countrymen  were  to  be  revenged  so 
meanly  on  me  !  This  was  Austrian  reprisal !  I  felt  glad  within 
me  that,  if  I  must  suffer,  I  could  suffer  for  such  reasons.  And  I  was 
strong  in  the  consciousness  of  the  sympathy  of  a  great  Nation,  if  any 
act  of  injustice  or  violence  should  be  performed  against  me.  There 
arose,  too,  as  is  natural,  under  such  an  unprovoked  wrong,  a  dogged 
determination  to  resist — and,  whatever  came,  to  fight  out  the  matter 
step  by  step. 

And,  why  should  I  hesitate  to  say,  that  the  Trust  in  One  above 
Courts  and  Nations,  and  above  this  oppression  of  men,  grew  that 
night  more  calm  and  strong  within  me. 

Though  I  had  not  slept  a  moment,  the  morning's  light  seemed  to 
bring  hope  again,  and  I  rose  the  next  day  quite  cheerfully. 

One  of  my  first  proceedings  was  to  examine  my  cell.  The 
room  was  a  moderately  large  arched  chamber,  such  as  one  sees  in 
the  Tower  of  London,  or  in  old  Castles,  anywhere  in  Europe,  used 
for  state  prisoners.  It  was  dirty  and  dark,  and  the  only  window 
was  guarded  by  iron  bars,  iron  net-work,  and  beyond  on  the  outside, 
by  a  board-screen  reaching  to  within  six  inches  of  the  top.     It  had 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  293 

very  probably  always  been  used  for  a  dungeon,  even  in  the  middle 
ages,  when  the  castle  was  in  its  glory.  We  were  held  safely  enough 
within  it,  but  to  any  accomplished  "  prison-bird,"  it  would  have 
been  mere  sport.  The  bars  were  loose — they  had  already  made  a 
gap  in  the  net-work,  and  cut  a  hole  in  the  boarding,  so  that  with 
one  or  two  good  steel  saws,  and  a  rope,  a  man  would  have  been  out 
at  once,  despite  the  sentinels. 

I  was  soon  convinced,  however,  that  without  passeporte  or  money, 
it  would  be  altogether  useless  making  the  attempt  at  escape.  It 
was  evident,  my  only  hope  was  in  sending  news  of  this,  out  to  our 
Embassy  at  Vienna — though  how  to  do  this  was  the  question — as  I 
was  allowed  no  books  or  papers,  and  was  very  closely  watched.  The 
Provost  came  in  the  morning,  and  had  coffee  and  rolls  brought  me, 
and  gave  me  a  certain  sum  from  my  money,  for  my  dinners,  which 
I  was  to  order  from  an  inn  near  by.  Everything  looked  like  a 
long  imprisonment ;  I  saw  that  if  that  was  to  be  the  case,  I  had 
better  prepare  for  it.  As  soon  as  possible,  I  had  a  conversation  with 
the  Frenchman,  who  had  spoken  to  me  through  the  key-hole.  He 
was  very  friendly,  and  showed  me  how  I  could  perhaps  send  letters 
out. 

As  he  had  been  in  prison  two  years,  I  asked  his  advice,  as  to 
prison-life  in  general,  and  about  preserving  health.  He  advised 
precisely  what  I  had  before  thought  was  the  best  course,  to  take  as 
much  exercise  as  possible,  avoid  gloomy  thoughts,  and  use  tVuit  and 
light  wine  freely  ;  and,  indeed  to  the  use  of  this  pure,  beautiful  light 
wine  of  the  Hungarians,  with  a  careful  diet,  I  ascribe  as  much  as 
any  tiling  mv  continued  good  health  in  such  miserable  quarters. 
This  wine,  which  was  purer  and  better  than  any  light  wine  which 
could  possibly  be  procured  in  our  country,  was  astonishingly  cheap. 
We  paid  even  in  prison,  for  a  half  bottle,  only  four  kreutzers  (three 


291  EFFORTS  FOR  ESCAPE. 

cents) — and  the  time  has  been,  they  said,  when  such  wine  could  be 
bought  for  two  cents  a  bottle  ! 

I  husbanded,  however,  the  little  money  given  me,  as  I  found  that 
here,  as  everywhere,  to  be  the  great  Talisman. 

The  Frenchman  pointed  me  out  soon  the  servant  through  whom 
I  could  procure  paper  and  ink.  I  went  quietly  to  him,  as  he  was 
doing  some  work  in  the  room — dropped  the  money  in  his  hands — 
whispered  the  words — while  he  was  looking  vacantly  towards  the 
door. 

At  night,  when  he  came  again,  he  brought  the  articles.  The 
Wallach  showed  me  a  loose  plank,  under  which  they  deposited  such 
things — and  late  that  night  I  wrote  the  letters.  By  a  very  good 
fortune,  the  small  tailor,  one  of  my  comrades,  had  just  about  fin- 
nished  his  term  of  five  months.  He  was  called  down  before  the 
Court,  the  next  day,  probably  for  his  liberation.  I  gave  him  the 
letters,  before  he  went,  and  he  put  them  in  the  lining  of  his  boots, 
as  he  seemed  to  think  any  other  place  might  be  searched.  He 
promised  faithfully  to  post  them. 

I  never  expected  they  would  reach  their  destination.  One  was 
written  to  a  friend  in  Hungary,  under  a  disguised  name,  and  if 
opened,  would  not  have  seemed  suspicious,  as  it  contained  the  illu- 
sion to  an  accident,  which  could  be  best  aided  by  friends  in  Vienna, 
whose  names  were  accordingly  given.  The  other  was  to  Mr 
Sctovarz,  our  Consul  in  Vienna,  calling  for  aid,  as  to  a  man  in 
utmost  need,  and  detailing  the  particulars  of  my  imprisonment.  I 
did  not  dare  to  write  to  Mr.  McCurdy,  as  his  name  would  attract 
suspicion. 

I  did  not  think  this  was  enough,  however.  The  Wallach  was  in 
the  habit  of  getting  conveniences  for  me,  from  the  Provost's  room, 
and  I  induced  him  to  speak  to  another  prisoner  there,  who  was  just 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  293 

about  to  be  liberated,  for  me.  This  was  a  Catholic  priest,  a  whole- 
souled  generous-hearted  fellow,  whose  fun  and  good  humor  seemed 
to  enliven  the  whole  prison. 

He  was  in  "  Provost's  arrest,"  viz.,  he  must  confine  himself  to  the 
Provost's  chamber. 

I  used  often  to  see  him,  standing  in  the  morning  at  the  door  of 
his  room,  in  full  canonicals  (which  he  had  just  put  on  again,  after 
his  imprisonment),  a  flask  of  wine  in  one  hand,  and  a  glass  in  the 
other,  and  proclaiming,  like  a  herald  :  "  Ho  !  my  children  !  come 
and  drink  !  The  day  of  my  liberation  is  near !  Let  no  one  be 
gloomy  now  !"  emptying  flask  after  flask  for  them.  Yet,  the  Pro- 
vost said,  he  never  drank  any  himself.  He  took  an  interest  in  me 
from  the  first,  and  promised  to  do  all  he  could  for  me  in  Vienna. 
He  was  too  old  "  a  bird,"  however,  to  take  any  papers  from  me,  for, 
of  course,  as  all  the  others,  he  believed  I  was  "  deeply  in,"  in  some 
affair. 

He  said,  he  had  been  searched  twenty-five  times  for  Revolutionary 
papers,  and  he  should  be  cautious  how  he  risked  anything  again. 

I  gave  him  McCurdy's  name  and  address,  and  he  wrote  them 
backwards  and  in  cypher  in  his  note  book.  The  way  in  which  he 
kept  up  the  conversation  with  mo  was  characteristic.  As  we  stood 
in  the  hall,  in  the  morning,  he  would  walk  about  piously  reading 
from  his  prayer-book,  and  every  time  he  passed  me : 

"  What  did  you  say  is  his  name  ? — (in  louder  tones  from  the 
book,)  Oh  Maria  beatisiime  /" 

Then  again,  as  he  came  back.  "  Ora  pro  nobis !  Mac  Curdy,  did 
you  say.      Oh  holdseligste  !  sec/net  uns  !     Oh  sanctissimel  <fec." 

He  was  freed  through  some  influence  at  Court.  The  prisoners 
said,  and  I  quite  believe  it — that  he  was  a  sterling  Democrat,  and 
a  most  ardent  friend  of  the  Hungarian  Cause. 


296  SECOND    TRIAL. 

A  day  or  two  after  the  first  examination,  I  was  again  summoned 
by  the  Provost  with  his  two  soldiers,  to  go  to  the  Court-room.  T 
went  down  with  beating  heart,  thinking  this  was  perhaps  to  deter- 
mine my  destiny.  The  Auditor  sat  there,  as  bland  and  undisturbed 
as  ever;  and  the  President,  (Count  Daun,)  a  very  polite  gentleman 
bowed  to  me  as  usual  over  the  top  of  the  "  Austrian  Lloyd"  which 
he  always  read,  when  the  examination  became  unimportant. 

The  trial  to-day  proved  to  be  a  mere  formal  investigation.  I  was 
surprised  more  and  more,  as  I  saw  how  perfectly  frivolous  the  proof 
was.  Yet  the  questioning  of  the  Auditor,  and  his  examination  of 
my  papers,  was  the  most  exact  conceivable.  Not  the  smallest  frag- 
ment of  waste  paper  came  before  him,  which  he  did  not  turn  over 
and  over,  and  question  me  in  regard  to,  lest  it  should  contain  some 
sign  of  a  conspiracy.  One  long  religious  essay  which  I  had,  was 
peculiarly  suspicious.  It  had  been  written  very  hurriedly,  and  then 
left  among  other  papers, — so  that,  with  all  my  efforts  before  the 
Court,  I  could  not  find  either  beginning  or  end  to  it.  My  ill  suc- 
cess with  it,  and  his  inability  to  read  it,  increased  his  suspicion,  and 
the  unfortunate  document  was  carefully  marked  with  red  ink,  as  a 
dangerous  object ! 

Even  my  pocket  Testament  was  detained  for  fear  it  might  conceal 
some  evidence  of  a  plot.  An  exact  catalogue  was  made  of  every 
article,  which  I  was  obliged  to  sign  as  correct.  The  answers,  too, 
which  I  made  were  written  down  at  the  time  by  the  clerk,  and  then 
read  over  to  me,  and  also  given  me  for  my  signature. 

It  was  an  inexpressible  disadvantage  to  me,  through  it  all,  that  I 
was  allowed  no  interpreter,  so  that  all  my  defence  must  be  in  Ger- 
man. The  quick  answers,  which  are  often  more  telling  than  argu- 
ments, were  veiy  much  impeded  by  my  speaking  in  a  foreign  lan- 
guage, and  my  whole  defence  clogged  and  cramped.     It  gave,  too, 


HUNGARY    US    1851.  297 

the  opportunity  to  the  Auditor  to  brow-beat  and  "out-talk"  me, 
which  he  skillfully  used— and  also  to  color  my  answers,  as  they  were 
nearly  always  slightly  changed,  in  writing  them  down,  and  it  was 
not  easy  for  me  to  correct  them. 

I  became  naturally,  more  and  more  cautious.  I  did  not  falsify, 
but  I  found  I  must  be  very  careful  not  to  give  them  even  a  handle, 
on  which  to  fasten  anything.  Some  questions  I  refused  to  an- 
swer. Others  I  demanded  to  be  thoroughly  and  clearly  expressed, 
before  I  would  reply.  I  took  care,  too,  to  see  exactly  how  each 
answer  was  written  down.  I  was  in  a  good  deal  of  anxiety  about 
one  question,  that  morning,  though  I  did  not  show  it  at  all.  That 
was  with  reference  to  the  letter  I  had  sent  to  Vienna  the  morning 
of  my  arrest.  It  contained  two  letters  enclosed,  one  for  home,  and 
the  other  for  the  Rev.  Jos.  P.  Thompson,  New  York.  The  enclos- 
ing the  letters  alone  I  knew  would  be  suspicious,  and  I  remembered 
the  first  night  of  my  imprisonment,  one  of  the  prisoners  spoke  of 
an  English  agent  of  Kossuth,  named  Thompson.  I  thought  the 
Auditor  would  certainly  make  a  conspiracy,  out  of  all  this  circum- 
stantial evidence. 

He  did  not  seem  as  keen-scented,  as  usual,  however,  and  merely 
hinted,  that  those  letters  would  appear  to  my  condemnation,  yet ! 

What  I  had  most  feared,  was,  that  something  would  turn  up  in 
my  letters  of  introduction,  which  could  be  twisted  into  treasonable 
expressions,  for  I  had  so  many,  and,  in  a  Hungarian's  introducing  an 
American,  there  would  be  such  a  temptation  to  abuse  the  Austrians ! 
But  thus  far,  there  were  no  signs  of  this.  As  to  my  own  papers,  I 
had  no  anxiety.  I  had  never  written  letters  by  post  in  Austria-on 
anything  but  personal  matters — and  my  other  writings  were  alto- 
gether "  safe,"  beside  being  peculiarly  illegible. 

On  getting  back  to  my  room,  after  this  examination,  as  I  was 
13* 


298  KEY-HOLE    TALK.    * 

thinking  over  the  proceedings,  a  voice  called  me  again  to  the  key- 
hole. 

"  Comrade  !  (this  time  in  German,  with  a  Hungarian  accent,)  can 
we  do  anything  for  you  ?" 

"  I  thank  you,  no,  there's  nothing  to  be  done." 

"  Are  you  one  from  Shandor  ?" 

"  No — I  don't  know  him." 

"  Would  you  like  to  have  the  Teleki  told  you  are  caught — or  any 
messages  to  her  ?" 

"  No,  no.  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  any  of  them.  I  am  a  tra- 
veller, arrested  on  suspicion.     That's  all !" 

"  Pardon,  Monsieur  !  You  do  right  to  be  safe.  We  can  com- 
municate with  the  Teleki,  and  we  thought  it  might  help  her  in  her 
examination,  to  know  that  you  were  taken.     Adieu  !" 

"  But  who  are  you  ?"  said  I. 

"  I  am  an  unfortunate  Hungarian — Nodj — who  was  in  Kutaihia, 
and  I  returned  on  the  promise  of  the  Austrian  Consul." 

"  But  why  did  you  ever  trust  yourself  to  the  Austrians  again  ?" 

"  Sure  enough — Devil  knows — farewell !" 


While  the  examinations  lasted  I  had  no  inclination  to  talk  to  any 
one,  and  walked  the  room  hour  after  hour,  occupied  in  my  own 
thoughts.  After  they  were  over,  and  the  matter  seemed  settled  for 
the  present,  I  began  to  think  how  I  had  best  pass  my  time,  and  I 
was  soon  glad  enough  to  get  into  conversation  with  the  others. 

In  a  few  days  I  was  allowed  to  walk  out  with  the  prisoners  in  the 
court,  for  an  horn'  a  day.  Tt  was  only  a  short  walk,  between  two 
lines  of  sentinels,  with  fixed  bayonets,  yet  it  was  the  greatest  enjoy- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  299 

ment  of  the  day  to  breathe  fresh  air  again,  and  have  a  change  of 
scene !  However,  I  can  remember  most  distinctly  with  what  a 
heart-sinking  I  stepped  out  for  the  first  time  on  the  walk.  I  was  at 
last  a  prisoner,  treated  like  the  others, — with  God  knows  how  long 
a  confinement  before  me ! 

Many  a  curious  look  was  fixed  upon  me  from  every  part  of  the 
barracks,  as  the  American  shut  up  there  in  that  distant  prison.  I 
soon  joined  myself  with  the  Frenchman,  of  whom  I  have  spoken, 
and  fell  into  very  pleasant  conversation.  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
very  considerable  cultivation,  and  had  passed  one  of  the  most  inte- 
resting adventurous  lives  I  had  ever  heard  of.  The  rumor  in  the 
prison  was,  that  he  was  suspected  by  Government  of  being  the 
leader  in  one  of  the  dark  crimes  perpetrated  in  this  revolution — the 
murder  of  the  Austrian  Minister  Latour  in  Vienna — a  crime,  how- 
ever,  which  can  find  many  excuses,  when  one  considers  the  passion- 
ate outbreak  of  the  people  in  which  it  occurred. 

I  do  not  believe  this  man  was  enjja<jed  in  it.  He  had  been  a 
Major  in  the  Hungarian  army,  under  Bern  in  Siebenburgen — and 
beyond  this,  I  dare  not  speak  of  his  life.  A  more  thorough  lover 
of  liberty,  and  a  more  genuine  democrat,  I  have  never  known.  He 
had  lost  all  in  fighting  for  Hungary's  freedom,  and  I  am  sure  would 
have  given  it  again  with  pleasure,  for  the  same  good  cause.  He 
had  all  the  faults  of  his  nation — the  vanity  and  superficiality — but 
like  his  countrymen,  and  like  the  others  in  the  prison,  ho  was  noble 
in  his  thoughts  and  feelings  upon  the  great  principles  of  Demo- 
cracy. He  showed  at  once,  great  friendliness  towards  mo,  and 
assisted  me  then  and  afterwards  exceedingly,  in  the  affairs  of  the 
prison. 

Within  a  few  days  after  this  walk,  the  doors  were  thrown  open 
between  the  two  rooms,  and  I  was  allowed  all  the  privileges  which 


300  OUR    PRIVILEGES. 

the  other  prisoners  had.  These  were  not  at  all  oppressively  great. 
In  the  morning,  at  eight  o'clock,  the  Provost  roused  us  up,  and  we 
were  permitted  to  walk  around  as  we  chose,  in  the  gangway  and 
through  the  other  rooms.  This  was  a  great  enjoyment,  as  it  gave 
us  an  opportunity  of  talking  with  our  comrades  in  misfortune,  and 
getting,  now  and  then,  a  fragment  of  news.  Some  of  them  cooked 
their  breakfast  at  this  time.  I  was  permitted  to  order  my  coffee 
and  ki'pfel  (rolls)  from  a  tavern  close  by.  The  most  of  those  in  the 
prison  had  been  stripped  of  everything,  and  were  obliged  now  to 
live  on  the  Government  allowance — eitcht  Kreutzers,  or  about  six 
cents  a .  day !  With  this  they  must  entirely  support  themselves. 
After  an  hour  or  two  of  this,  we  were  shut  up  for  the  rest  of  the 
day,  till  our  walk  in  the  afternoon,  and  then  again  for  the  night. 

In  my  own  room,  now,  was  only  the  Wallach,  but  in  the  other 
room,  opening  into  it,  there  were  six  prisoners,  and  in  the  whole 
prison  there  must  have  been  nearly  a  hundred,  from  various  classes 
and  Nationalities. 

There  were  Catholic  priests,  Protestant  clergymen,  Jewish  Rabbis 
among  them ;  Poles,  Italians,  Frenchmen,  Magyar  noblemen,  and 
Honveds,  and  Wallachs,  and  Croats,  and  Slavonians — and  nearly 
one-half  were  the  much-oppressed  Bauer.  Yet  all  these  were  here 
for  either  sympathizing,  or  taking  an  active  part  in  the  Revolution 
of  '48. 

I  was  exceedingly  struck  with  the  spirit  they  showed  in  political 
matters.  Of  course,  where  so  many  were  mere  soldiers,  there  were 
many  thick-headed  and  self-opinionated,  and  rude  enough.  But 
their  noble  side  was  their  sympathy  with  the  people,  and  their  real 
devotion  to  Freedom.  When  they  spoke  of  that,  their  thoughts 
were  grand,  and  I  make  no  doubt — though  some  of  them  had  been 
living  there  for  years — that  there  was  not  a  man  among  them  who 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  301 

would  have  bought  his  freedom  on  the  best  estate  in  Hungary,  for  a 
betrayal  of  their  cause. 

They  all  soon  understood  how  I  had  come  among  them,  and 
treated  me  with  the  greatest  friendliness.  It  seemed  to  give  a  new 
touch  of  bitterness  to  the  feelings  of  the  Hungarian  prisoners  against 
Austria,  that  a  foreign  guest — merely  a  traveller — should  be  thus 
treated  in  their  own  country. 

Gradually,  more  and  more,  I  began  to  sink  down  into  this  dull, 
monotonous  life.  For  a  part  of  the  day,  in  such  confinement,  one 
can  occupy  himself,  without  difficulty,  in  his  own  thoughts.  But 
after  this,  it  becomes  inexpressibly  wearisome.  At  first  I  had  em- 
ployed the  "Wallach,  or  rather  he  took  it  on  himself,  to  do  servant's 
duties,  giving  him  in  return  kreutzers  for  Wine  and  "  Schnapps.'''' 
But  after  a  while,  I  was  glad  to  do  anything  to  wear  away  the 
hours,  and  I  could  well  understand  the  accounts  I  had  heard,  of 
intellectual  men  in  such  places  spending  days  in  feeding  spiders  or 
killing  flies. 

No  one  can  imagine  what  a  death-like  life  such  a  life  is  !  To-day 
comes  and  goes  like  yesterday,  and  you  know  to-morrow  will  only 
be  another  similar.  You  spend  full  half  a  day  on  the  bed,  and  the 
happiest  moment  are  in  dreams.  Every  new  event  is  a  pleasure. 
a  strange  gens  tTarme  in  the  prison,  a  new  prisoner,  the  arrival  of 
the  General's  carriage  in  the  court,  a  sight  of  soldiers  exercising,  all 
used  to  give  us  the  greatest  delight.  Then  there  was  such  a  com- 
plete separation  and  cutting  off  from  the  whole  world.  Rumors 
reached  us  in  prison  of  the  Russians  occupying  Sicbcnburgm,  and 
the  march  of  the  Austrians  and  Prussians  into  France.  We  shouted 
with  joy  when  we  heard  it,  and  talked,  and  wondered,  and  the 
Frenchman  cried  vive  la  Liberte  !  But  beyond  that,  wo  heard  not 
a  word,  and,  for  all  we  knew  to  the  contrary,  Europe  might  be  in 


302  A    FELLOW    PRISONER. 

one  full  blast  of  revolution,  and  we  lying  there  in  unconsciousness,  in 
that  tomb !  How  eagerly,  too,  did  we  all  approach  a  window  in 
the  gangway,  the  only  one  in  the  prison,  which  was  not  boarded ! 
There  were  some  beautiful  fresh  vine-hills  without,  and  a  glimpse 
of  free,  green  fields.  It  was  like  a  breath  of  liberty  to  come  there, 
and  breathe  the  sweet  fresh  air  from  the  hills. 

I  used  often  to  slip  by  the  sentinel,  and  to  go  to  one  window,  which 
but  few  knew  of.     It  commanded  a  view  of  the  windows  of  a  fellow- 
prisoner,  whose  fate  had  deeply  interested  me.     The  unfortunate  was 
a  young  lady — a  Countess — from  one  of  the  first  families  in  Hungary, 
a  family  long  distinguished  in  its  history,  the   Teleki.     She  had 
been   arrested  a  short  time  before  I  was,  on    a  similar  charge,  of 
being    in    correspondence   with    the   Hungarian   Emigration,    and 
beside  with  Mazzini.     The  arrest  had  made  great  noise  in  Hungary, 
and  I  had  often  heard  of  it.      How  little   I  had  ever  thought  of 
sharing  the  same  prison  with  her  !     One  of  her  friends  supposed  we 
were  in  the  same  conspiracy,  and  had  told  me  of  this  window.      I 
made  many  attempts  to  communicate  with  her,  hoping  to  be  able 
to  assist  her,  when  without ;  but  somehow,  I  could  never  catch  her 
eye.      She  used  often   to  come  to  the  window,  to  tend  the  few 
plants  she  had  there,  or  to  gaze  longingly  out  on  the  distant  land- 
scapes.    Poor  lady  !     It  seemed  to  me,  she  grew  paler  every  day. 
It  was   very  sad;  so  young  and  beautiful — with  wonderful  accom- 
plishments,   and    a    noble    heart — to    spend    her    fresh,    young 
years,     in    that    heart-crushing    place  !       She    was    confined    to 
two  small,  miserable  rooms,   allowed  no  attendance  scarcely,  and 
with  one  or  two  old  grammars  for  books,  there  she  lingered  through 
the  long  days.      I  saw  her  besides  from  our  window,  in  her  walk  in 
the   little   garden  with  the  Provost.     This  walk  and  conversation 
with  the  Provost  for  an  hour,  was  her  only  society  and  amusement 


HUNGARY    IN    1851/  303 

through,  the  twenty-four  hours.  I  could  see  from  her  whole  man- 
ner and  bearing  there,  that  it  was  true  what  was  said  of  her — that 
she  was  a  woman  of  heroic  spirit,  not  in  the  least  broken  by  her  mis- 
fortune. There  was  a  very  old  woman  allowed  to  attend  her  in  the 
garden  sometimes,  and  one  could  see  that  with  all  her  dignity,  she 
helped  the  old  servant,  much  more  than  the  old  servant  her. 

At  first,  she  used  to  have  a  lively,  young  girl  running  by  her 
side — a  maid-servant  of  extraordinary  genius,  and  accused  of  being 
engaged  in  the  same  plot  with  herself,  though  only  twelve  years  old! 
But  afterwards,  with  a  truly  Austrian  refinement  of  cruelty,  they 
were  separated,  and  the  child  was  confined  by  herself  in  the  city. 
The  Auditor  said  of  the  little  girl,  after  the  trial,  "  It  is  horrible  ! 
Sie  ist  verdorben  vom  Grund  und  Boden  !  She  is  contaminated 
from  the  very  root  and  core  /"  Or,  in  other  words,  young  as  she 
was,  she  was  a  thorough  Republican,  and  a  downright  hater  of 
tyranny ! 

I  had  good  information  of  what  was  going  on,  and  I  learned,  that 
the  defence  of  the  Countess  on  her  trial  was  most  heroic  and 
patriotic.  She  met  the  abuse  and  cunning  of  tha  Auditor,  with  a 
spirit  and  dignity  which  even  abashed  him.  And  I  know  that  in 
private,  she  expressed  herself  ready  to  go  through  with  any  length 
of  imprisonment,  if  she  could  only  help  her  unhappy  country. 
Whether  she  was  guilty  or  not,  I  do  not  know ;  but  from  my  own 
experience  of  Austrian  Courts,  I  should  think  it  not  in  the  least  im- 
probable she  was  another  victim  to  their  infernal  system.  She  often 
inquired  after  the  fate  of  the  American,  so  strangely  arrested  in  the 
midst  of  Hungary  ;  but  we  never  succeeded  in  changing  a  word.* 

*  I  have  just  received  news  (Jan.,  1852)  from  Vienna,  that  she   is  sen- 
tenced by  the  Court  Martial  to  twenty  years  imprisonment — God  be  with  her ! 


CHAPTER  XXXYI. 

Prison  Life. 

I  tried  repeatedly  to  obtain  a  hearing  with  the  Major,  in  order  to 
express  my  sense  of  my  treatment,  and  at  length,  after  some  time 
succeeded,  as  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  see  him,  in  order  to  draw 
my  money. 

He  asked,  what  I  wished  with  him  ? 

"  I  wish,"  said  I,  to  report  myself  to  the  Court  Martial  with  re- 
spect to  my  treatment  here,  through  this  whole  case.  I  beg  you  to 
remember  that  the  matter  is  quite  as  serious  a  one  for  you,  Sir,  as 
for  me.  You  have  suddenly,  on  mere  suspicion,  arrested  me,  a  free 
American  citizen,  travelling  with  a  pass,  under  the  protection  of  your 
Government  and  my  own.  You  have  treated  me  like  a  felon.  You 
have  shut  me  up  with  men  whom  the  Austrian  Government  regards 
as  the  greatest  criminals — some  of  them  even  yet  under  sentence  of 
death.  You  have  thrown  me  into  most  filthy  quarters,  where  my 
whole  body  is  eaten  with  fleas  " — (and,  as  I  said  this,  I  bared  my 
arm  before  him,  all  blotched  and  marked  by  the  insects.)  "  And 
more  than  this,  Sir,  you  have  held  me  here  for  more  than  two 
weeks,  on  such  slight  proof,  and  on  a  charge,  so  unsupported,  that  I 


HUNGARY  IN    1851.  305 

must  consider  it  an  attack  on  me  as  an  American.  T  know  our 
Government  and  our  people.  They  will  never  suffer  a  free  citizen 
to  be  mistreated,  on  such  grounds.  They  will  hold  you  responsible, 
Sir,  and  your  Government,  for  these  proceedings !" 

His  manner,  much  to  my  surprise,  was  singularly  different  in  his 
reply.  The  bullying  tone  of  the  previous  examinations  was  changed 
for  the  most  soft  and  winning.  He  begged  me  to  be  assured  he 
bad  not  been  aware  of  my  treatment  in  the  prison.  He  himself 
might  be  convinced  of  my  innocence,  but  he  wras  obliged  to  carry 
out  the  investigation  according  to  the  usual  forms.  He  had  always 
felt  a  sincere  respect  for  the  Americans — and  he  hoped  I  would  not 
think  he  had  delayed  this  investigation.  My  papers  were  all  in 
Eno-lish  or  French,  and  he  had  been  obliged  to  send  them  to  Pesth 
for  translation.     He  regretted  extremely  the  long  delay,  <fcc,  &c. 

I  could  not  understand  at  the  time,  this  difference  of  manner. 
The  Provost  warned  me,  when  we  were  upstairs,  against  making 
such  speeches,  particularly  before  him,  an  inferior  officer.  "  The 
Major  is  King  here !" 

But  I  thought  I  knew  my  man,  and  I  did  not  believe  I  had 
spoken  too  strongly  ;  besides,  who  could  help  it,  after  such  a  treat- 
ment. 


Gros  Wardein  Fortress. — *  *  *  It  is  a  singular  contrast, 
one's  dreams  in  such  a  place  and  the  reality.  I  was  in  a  New  Eng- 
land village  last  night — at  home,  and  when  I  woke,  the  sun-light 
was  streaming  through  the  iron  grating  above  the  boards.  I  could 
not  think,  for  a  moment,  where  I  was.     It  is  a  most  strange  con- 


306  JOURNAL. 


trast ! — my  life  before  this  has  been  so  free,  and  so  full  of  ricb  feel- 
ings and  thoughts. 


With  the  Wallach  I  talk  many  hours  in  the  day — a  good  fellow, 
though  his  spirit  is  all  crushed  out  of  him,  by  misfortune  after  mis- 
fortune. I  try  to  cheer  him  and  tell  him  of  the  good  days  to  come 
when  he  and  the  land  will  be  free,  and  he  can  be  a  happy  man 
again.  He  has  no  hopes,  however,  and  drinks  schnapps  to  cheer 
himself.  He  does  servant's  work  for  me,  and  I  share  my  dinner 
with  him,  which  I  have  not  the  appetite  to  eat. 

He  was  a  Jlonved,  and,  "Wallach  as  he  is,  loves  the  Hungarian 
cause  right  well.  It's  singular  enough,  though  a  common  soldier, 
and  by  no  means  an  intelligent  man,  he  speaks  some  eight  lan- 
guages /  From  this  mixing  together  of  nations  in  Hungary,  the 
people  learn  foreign  languages  very  readily.  *  *  *  *  My  quarters 
here  are  detestable,  with  the  dirt  and  the  filth,  and  the  reeking 
smell  of  that  Kiebel  everywhere.  We  spend  about  half  an  hour 
every  morning  picking  the  fleas  out  of  our  blankets  ! 

Monday,  June  2. — I  have  been  here  now  ten  days.  One  of  the 
prisoners  has  a  "  diary"  marked  on  the  wall.  Poor  man  !  he  began 
it  last  winter.  We  look  at  it  often,  and  I  wonder  to  myself  whether 
mine  will  not  run  on  much  longer. 

The  Austrian  policy  is  very  skilful.  The  General  here  in 
Gros  Wardein,  the  Judges,  the  Provost,  are  all  from  Bohemia  or 
Moravia,  and  the  regiment  from  the  Bukovina — the  best  regiment 


HUNGARY    IN    1S5L  307 

it  is  said,  in  the  Austrian  service.  They  do  look  like  just  the  men 
for  the  government — tall,  strong,  stupid-looking  soldiers,  who  would 
tread  down  republics  or  monarchies  with  equal  indifference,  at  the 
word  of  command ! 

******** 

June  5. — The  vine  hills,  which  we  can  see  from  the  window  in 
the  gangway,  and  the  fields  on  our  side  of  the  fortress,  look  greener 
and  more  full  of  foliage  every  day.  We  can  see  that  the  days  are 
very  beautiful,  and  that  the  pleasantest  season  is  passing  while  we 
lie  here.  I  stand  up  on  the  window-seat  and  look  out  at  the  bright 
landscape  and  the  misty  hills  in  the  distance,  and  wonder  when  I 
shall  enjoy  them  again,  and  whether  I  will  remember  how  beautiful 
they  seemed  in  this  gloomy  cell.  I  do  long  so  to  be  free ;  to  be 
away  from  these  petty  exactions  and  restrictions  of  every  stupid 
officer  in  command.  I  never  began  to  know  how  sweet  is  the  breath 
of  free  air ! 


june  6. — The  Frenchman  has  just  been  delivering  a  lecture  to 
the  others,  on  Democracy  and  the  rights  of  men.  There  are 
eight  in  the  company,  and  they  sit  around  on  their  beds,  smoking 
and  arguing  with  the  major  while  I  write  in  this  room.  There  is 
Pole  and  an  Italian,  and  a  Jewish  Rabbi,  and  several  Hungarians 
among  them,  all  most  thorough  Democrats.  They  quarrel  in  an 
absurd  manner  occasionally,  but  when  they  speak  on  these  subjects, 
their  thoughts — crude  enough  sometimes — would  be  noble,  even 
with  us.     I  shall  always   respect  European   Democracy  more,  from 


308  THE    PRISONERS. 

what  I  have  seen  of  these  men.  One-sided,  and  self-opinionated  as 
they  are  on  other  matters,  and  even  ungoverned  morally)  it  is  mani- 
fest, their  best  side — their  religion,  if  I  may  call  it  by  such  a  name — 
connects  itself  with  these  great  ideas  of  Freedom  and  Brotherhood. 

The  Frenchman  has  a  volume  of  political  sentiments  which  he 
has  copied  off  from  one  of  Lamartine's  works — poetic,  free,  generous 
sentiments,  which  he  reads  every  night  before  going  to  bed,  as  we 
would  our  Bibles. 

My  respect  for  human  nature  is  increased  by  what  I  have  seen  of 
them  all.  I  see  that  the  spirit  of  even  a  vulgar,  ignorant  man, 
engaged  in  a  great  cause,  is  not  easily  broken.  Their  long,  dull 
years  of  confinement,  under  which  they  are  each  breaking  in 
health,  has  not  crushed  the  courage  of  one.  They  know  there  may 
be  many  years  yet ;  still  freedom  now,  with  wealth,  would  not  buy 
the  lowest  of  them  for  Austria.  "  Friend,  said  one  of  them  to  me, 
"  we  know  our  cause ;  we  may  die,  but  it  must  conquer? 

They  are  all  looking  so  anxiously  to  next  May — the  new  election 
in  France — which  shall  bring  a  freer  party  into  power,  and  break  the 
chains  of  Europe.  "  Oh,  then  to  be  out  with  a  sabre  and  a  horse  /" 
said  the  old  hussar  to  me,  brandishing  his  pipe  in  the  air.  Several 
t)f  them  have  been  in  other  revolutions  in  various  lands,  since  the 
Revolution  of  '30  in  Paris,  fighting  and  venturing  everything  to 
spread  abroad  free  principles.  "  We  must  believe  in  a  Providence," 
said  one,  "  and  perhaps  the  defeat  of  our  party  here  in  Hungary  and 
all  through  Europe,  is  the  best  thing  which  can  happen  for  us.  It 
will  weed  out  the  bad,  and  better  prepare  the  people  for  govern- 
ment, when  they  do  gain  it.  They  are  knowing  now  what  they 
have  lost.  They  were  not  ready  before  in  Germany  for  freedom  ! 
The  good  cause  must  triumph  !" 

June  7. — I  am  settling  down  into  a  monotonous  prison-life.     It's 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  309 

like  an  unvarying  sea  voyage.     I  have  been   here  two  weeks,  and 
one  day  follows  ou  precisely  like  another  ;  I  sleep  ten  hours  out  of 
the  twenty-four,    and    the  dreams   are   the    pleasantest   momenta. 

How  eagerly  we  catch  at  anything  new !  There  was  a  great 
arrival  lately  of  persons  arrested  from  Debreczin.  A  word  against 
the  government  seems  to  send  them  right  to  the  prison.  To-day, 
Saturday,  is  the  day  for  the  brutal  flogging  of  the  soldiers,  or  such 
of  the  prisoners  as  are  so  punished.  Some  three  hundred  march 
out  with  sticks — form  two  lines,  and  the  poor  fellow  who  is  whipped 
has  to  walk  leisurely  through,  and  take  the  strokes  on  his  bare  back. 
Four  times  through,  they  say,  is  death  usually.  There  is  one  room 
here,  crowded  full  of  Honveds,  who  have  been  forced  into  the  Aus- 
trian armies,  and  who  are  always  deserting.  They  are  punished  so 
with  the  "  Renngasse"  (Street  run)  as  they  call  it.  It  is  of  no  use, 
however ;  they  are  evidently  a  most  indomitable  set  of  men,  and 
will  desert  again  at  the  first  opportunity. 

I  have  not  been  more  interested  in  any  set  of  men  in  the  prison 
than  the  Bauer,  of  whom  there  have  been  some  twenty  or  more 
here  confined.  Tall,  fine-looking  men,  who  walk  around  folded  in 
their  great  sheep-skins,  like  old  Romans  in  their  togas.  They  have 
the  shrewd,  keen  look  which  characterizes  all  the  Hungarian  pea- 
sants ;  though  the  flashing  of  their  eyes  when  they  speak  of  Austrian 
tyranny,  show  what  they  would  do,  if  once  out.  They  are  men 
made  for  soldiers. 

They  are  all  here  for  speaking  against  the  Government,  or  for 
hiding  a  weapon,  or  for  uttering  their  opinions  of  Kossuth.  I  have 
talked  with  them  often,  though  generally  through  an  interpreter,  as 
they  do  not  speak  German. 

"  Why  doesn't  he  speak  Hungarian  better  V  said  one  of  them 
about  me,  "  He  holds  to  the  Hungarian  Religion  /" 


310  PEASANTS    IN    PRISON. 

He  meant  by  this  that  I  belonged  to  the  Reformed  Church  of  the 
Protestants,  which  the  majority  of  the  Magyars  are  connected  with, 
and  which  the  Bauer  always  call  "  the  Hungarian  Church." 

One  of  them  told  me,  that  we  Americans  must  free  Kossuth  and 
bring  him  over ;  "  We  are  only  waiting  for  him — there  are  arms 
enough  hidden — I  have  twenty-five  muskets  buried  on  my  farm — 
and  my  neighbors  in  the  same  way  !" 

I  asked  another  whether  he  was  not  sorry  he  had  engaged  in  the 
Revolution ,  to  get  only  this  for  reward  ? 

"  No,"  he  said ;  and  with  that  passionate,  eloquent  tone,  which 
belongs  to  the  whole  nation,  he  buret  out,  "  No !  why  should  I 
complain !  We  shall  conquer  later,  if  not  now !  Why  should  I 
complain  of  this  prison,  when  the  first  and  best  of  the  land  have 
lost  everything  for  Hungary  ?     The  Magyar  God  must  help  us !" 

Last  night  the  Bauer  were  all  moved  into  the  next  room,  and  we 
packed  together  in  this ;  and  in  these  hot  nights  it  becomes  intoler- 
able to  sleep  in  such  a  crowd.  However,  I  did  not  care  very  much, 
and  gave  them  candles,  and  something  better  to  eat  and  drink  than 
the  prison  fare,  and  we  sat  up  long,  hearing  their  wild  Hungarian 
songs,  and  watching  their  games. 


I  had  at  this  time,  more  opportunity  for  investigating  what  our 
prison  was. 

The  prison-rooms,  in  general  appearance,  were  like  those  of  most 
of  the  old  feudal  castles  one  sees  in  Europe — reserved  for  State 
prisoners.  Moderately  large,  with  heavy  arches  meeting  in  the 
centre  and  faintly  lighted  by  the  chink  in  the  window,  over  the 
boarding.     They  were  beside  somewhat  damp,  very  dirty,  and  over- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  311 

run  with  fleas.  The  old  Castle  had  been  a  massive  structure  in  the 
middle  ages.  It  was  built  around  the  four  sides  of  a  square,  the 
space  within  being  used  as  a  court.  On  the  outside  was  once  a 
heavy  wall  with  fosse,  and  various  watch-towers,  and  beyond  these, 
other  works.  But  since,  at  least,  the  days  of  modern  science  in 
artillery,  Gros  Wardein  and  the  Fortress  have  never  been  of  any 
importance  in  a  military  respect. 

The  old  wall  is  all  crumbling  and  falling  into  the  fosse;  the 
arches  under  the  towers  are  in  many  places  broken  down,  and  the 
vines  growing  over  the  ruins.  Under  a  part  of  the  outer  works 
wine  and  beer  shops  are  now  built,  and  as  a  whole,  one  may  say,  the 
old  Fortress  has  pretty  nearly  lost  its  original  character.  In  the 
Revolution  the  Hungarian  ministry  chose,  with  very  good  judgment, 
Gros  Wardein  as  the  central  manufacturing  depot,  and  this  castle 
was  turned  into  a  gun  manufactory.  Now  it  is  used  by  the  Aus- 
trians  as  a  great  barracks  for  the  soldiers,  and  a  state  prison  for  polit- 
ical offenders. 


About  this  period,  perhaps  in  consequence  of  the  last  conversa- 
tion I  had  held  with  the  Auditor,  I  was  put  in  rather  better  quar- 
ters, though  still  bad  enough.  My  new  comrades,  however,  were 
much  pleasanter,  and  I  became  exceedingly  interested  in  them. 

One  was  a  Protestant  clergyman  from  the  neighborhood.  There 
was  something  so  manly  and  kind  in  his  appearance,  that  I  was. 
attracted  at,  once  toward  him,  and  we  soon  became  good  friends. 
We  lived  in  a  menage,  and  he,  as  the  oldest  member,  took  on  him- 
self the  cooking,  which  he  really  managed  very  skillfully. 

He  had  been  a  prominent  man  among  the  clergy — an  eloquent 


312  A    CLERGYMAN. 

preacher,  and  a  "  Senior  "  presiding  over  some  twenty  churches,  and 
was  besides  a  person  of  remarkable  natural  dignity,  so  that  there 
was  something  unspeakably  affecting  in  his  attentions  and  kindness 
to  us,  in  the  little  matters  of  house-keeping.  He  was  falling  away 
by  piece-meal,  from  the  long,  dull  confinement.  The  scurvy  had 
loosened  his  teeth,  and  was  injuring  his  eyes,  and  he  wore  in  conse- 
quence a  huge  green  shade.  Yet  one  could  see  that  the  look  of 
patient  resignation  never  left  his  face — no  sentimental  resignation, 
but  the  calm  trust  of  a  man  who  had  sacrificed  all  for  duty's  sake, 
and  who  was  now  ready  to  suffer. 

Like  all  the  Hungarians,  he  loved  his  country  with  a  love  which 
we  cannot  even  imagine  ;  yet  I  make  no  doubt  he  spoke  the  truth, 
when  he  said.  "  He  would  not,  if  he  could,  be  freed  to  live  in  Hun- 
gary again.  He  never  could  preach  there  again.  He  could  not 
live  in  a  land  where  he  was  a  slave !  If  ho  should  be  freed,  he 
would  go  over  to  America  and  be  a  gardener  or  a  peasant.  He 
had  always  loved  so  working  in  the  garden.  Somehow,  he  thought 
he  should  be  happy  and  healthy  at  once,  if  he  could  only  work  in 
the  ground  again.     But  there  were  no  hopes  !" 

It  appears,  like  the  clergymen  in  our  Revolution,  he  had  preached 
and  aroused  the  people  much  to  resisting  the  Austrian  government ; 
and  at  length,  when  the  time  came  that  words  were  of  no  more  use, 
he  had  proved  his  sincerity  by  joining  the  ranks  as  a  common  sol- 
dier, where  he  had  marched  as  standard  bearer.  This  was  enough  ; 
and  after  a  short  trial  by  the  Austrians,  he  was  sentenced  to  the 
gallows ;  but  somehow,  the  sentence  had  not  been  executed ;  and 
the  probability  was  now,  it  would  be  commuted  to  imprisonment  for 
life. 

The  Auditor  here  pronounced  him  "  the  greatest  criminal"  who 
had  ever  appeared  before  him,  "  an  incarnate  Democrat  /"  though 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  313 

he  had  not  said  a  word  to  defend  or  excuse  himself.  With  us  he 
would  pass  for  a  very  moderate,  rational  Republican,  with  a  deep 
love  for  freedom,  but  not  especially  ultra  on  any  subject. 

There  was  nothing,  to  me,  in  the  whole  prison  so  touching,  as  the 
bearing  of  this  man ;  so  gentle  and  self-sacrificing  towards  us  all, 
and  patient,  yet  at  the  same  time  so  manly  and  firm  !  There  was 
a  rich  wit,  too,  in  him,  which  we  used  to  draw  out  in  his  happier 
moments. 

He  had  been  allowed  no  books,  but  had  passed  much  of  his  time 
in  carving  with  his  pen-knife,  in  which  he  was  wonderfully  skilful. 
He  gave  me  a  beautiful  wooden  fork,  a  perfect  imitation  of  a  French 
table-fork,  which  he  had  made  in  this  way. 

During  this  time,  my  examination  was  continued  at  intervals. 
Tt  is  difficult  to  convey  the  Tnquisition-Wka  tone  of  them  all — the 
petty  tricks,  the  attempts  to  entangle,  the  means  used  to  force  a 
confession.  For  instance,  one  morning  as  I  entered  the  court-room, 
the  Auditor  turned  over  my  papers  in  a  careless  way,  and  asked, 
half  unconsciously,  "  Where-ia-tlud-letter  from  Ujhazy  V  I  rose 
up  in  indignation  at  such  a  mean  device  :  "Sir,  you  know  that  I 
have  told  you  again  and  again,  I  have  no  acquaintance  with 
Ujhazy  !"  "  Oh,  I  beg  your  pardon,  I  mean  that  letter  from 
CzetzP 

Another  time,  he  informed  me  that  he  had  testimony  from  one 
of  the  family  of  the  B.'s  in  Nagy  Maria,  that  I  had  visited  Mr.  E. 
B.,  the  distinguished  Revolutionist  in  London,  It  will  be  remem- 
bered, this  was  the  gentleman  to  whom  I  had  a  card  of  introduction 
from  his  brother. 

"  We  have  this  evidence,"  said  he,  "  confess  your  connection  with 
that  notorious  rebel !"  "Show  me  the  evidence,"  said  I.  "I  do 
not  believe  at  all  you  have  any  such  testimony.  This  family  is 
14 


314  TRICKS. 


known  as  one  of  the  most  honorable  families  in  Hungary,  and  they 
could  not  give  such  evidence.  It  would  be  no  crime  if  I  had  known 
the  whole  Hungarian  Emigration,  but  Mr.  B.  I  have  never  even 


seen." 


On  the  next  day,  when  the  evidence  came  up,  it  appeared  it  was 
"  a  mistake  in  his  translation  of  the  Hungarian  words." 

A  large  packet  of  letters  of  introduction  which  I  had,  was  care- 
fully examined  for  some  expressions  which  could  be  possibly  turned 
against  me.  Among  them  all,  not  a  single  dangerous  expression 
was  found,  except  in  a  letter  from  the  Countess  B.,  in  Pesth,  to  a 
lady  in  Groswardein,  wherein  I  was  spoken  of  as  a  "  zuverlassigcr 
Mensch"  " a  reliable  man? 

I  laughed  at  once,  as  the  Auditor  commenced  his  declamation 
over  this,  for  it  brought  up,  even  then,  irresistibly  to  my  mind,  the 
eloquent  efforts  of  Sergeant  R.  over  Pickwick's  dinner-order  to  his 
landlady,  in  the  celebrated  case  of  "  Bardwell  vs.  Pickwick." 

"  Sir  !  There  is  no  occasion  for  laughter  here  !  These  are  im- 
portant words.  They  imply  that  you  and  the  Countess  B.  have  an 
understanding  on  some  matter  which  others  do  not  know  of.  A 
plot,  perhaps.     Explain,  Sir." 

He  looked  over  to  the  Count. 

"  Very  serious  words  in  your  circumstances,  Sir,"  echoed  that 
gentleman. 

I  replied  that  the  Countess  was  an  old  lady  knowing  the  world, 
and  the  expression  would  be  natural  for  her,  in  introducing  a  stran- 
ger :  I  hoped  she  was  right.  I  could  not  explain  it  in  any  other 
way. 

It  appeared  that  they  had  been  examining  all  my  acquaintances 
in  Hungary,  Vienna,  and  even  as  far  as  Prague,  and  all  the  proof 
thus  far  obtained,  arranged  itself  thus  : 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  315 

1.  A  note  of  introduction  from  a  prominent  Hungarian  emi- 
grant. 

2.  A  card  of  introduction  to  another  Hungarian  emi<n-ant  in 
England. 

3.  The  fact  that  certain  persons  had  been  called  upon  who  were 
compromised  in  the  Revolution  of  1848. 

4.  The  possession  of  a  pamphlet  and  History,  advocating  the  Hun- 
garian side. 

5.  Words  implying  an  acquaintance  with  Ujhazy ! 

In  the  last  sessions,  the  Auditor  had  his  accusation  rather  bet- 
ter arranged,  and  I  will  give  it,  as  nearly  as  possible,  in  his  own 
words : 

"  We'  know,"  said  he,  "  that  the  emigrants  from  Hungary,  in 
America,  keep  up  a  constant  communication  with  the  Democratic 
Societies  in  Europe.  We  know,  furthermore,  that  one  great  object 
of  these  Societies  is  to  preserve  an  uninterrupted  intercourse  with 
the  members  of  the  disaffected  party  in  Hungary,  and  thus  finally 
work  out  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  Government,  and  all  law  and 
order.  You  are  known  to  be  from  America  ;  you  are  heard  to  speak 
as  if  you  were  acquainted  with  the  Hungarian  emigrants  ;  you  have 
been  travelling  through  the  principal  countries  of  Europe,  and  you 
bring  a  letter  of  introduction  from  a  member  of  the  Hungarian 
Emigration  in  Europe,  and  visit  here  men  belonging  to  the  disaf- 
fected party.  You  are  found  with  a  card  of  introduction  to  a  dis- 
tinguished leader  of  this  party  in  England,  and  with  certain  forbid- 
den works,  implying  a  sympathy  in  your  mode  of  thought  with  the 
men  who  are  aiming  at  the  ruin  of  order  and  government.  There- 
fore, we  charge  you  with  being  an  emissary  of  this  party,  and  here 
in  Hungary  with  the  design  of  spreading  revolutionary  movements. 
Y<>u  are  exhorted  by  the  Conn  to  confession." 


316  THE    DEFENCE. 

"Sir,"  said  T,  "  the  premises  may  be  true,  possibly,  or  not ;  for  I 
must  confess,  I  know  very  little  of  the  operations  of  the  Democratic 
Societies  ;  but  I  cannot  see  their  connection  with  the  conclusion.  It's 
a  very  long  step  from  one  to  the  other.  There  is  a  very  wide  differ- 
ence, I  beg  you  to  observe,  between  a  traveller,  with  certain  political 
view*,  and  an  emissary  endeavoring  to  spread  them,  and  to  over- 
throw the  existing  Government.  You  seem  to  have  forgotten  this 
in  the  accusation.  And,  furthermore,  I  would  say,  that,  admitting 
all  the  facts  you  state,  they  do  not  even  prove  my  political  opinions ; 
and  that  they  might  equally  hold  against  eveiy  English  or  Ameri- 
can traveller,  as  against  me.  Remember,  Sir,  that  the  Hungarian 
emigrants  are  scattered  far  and  wide  over  every  land.  What  more 
natural  for  a  traveller,  intending  to  enter  the  country,  than  to  take 
at  least  one  letter  of  introduction  from  them  ?  Then,  when  here, 
you  must  admit,  one  of  the  most  interesting  topics  to  a  Hungarian 
of  any  party,  would  be  the  condition  of  their  countrymen  in  their 
new  homes  ;  and  a  traveller  would  most  naturally  speak  of  it. 

That  he  should  visit  some  of  the  compromised  party,  too,  would 
be  nearly  inevitable,  where  such  a  large  majority  were  of  that  party. 
And  that  he  should  take  a  card,  or  even  a  letter,  to  their  friends 
again  in  exile,  could  not  be  considered  even  remarkable,  much  less 
suspicious.  The  whole  of  these  suspicious  circumstances  are  such 
as  might  hold  against  almost  every  traveller.  And  when  I  remem- 
ber the  exceedingly  strict  treatment  I  have  received  on  such  grounds, 
and  the  frivolous  nature  of  these  proofs,  I  must  consider  the  whole 
matter,  either  as  very  much  over-hurried,  or  that  there  are  some 
other  hidden  grounds  of  procedure." 

He  disclaimed  any  other  motives  than  those  apparent  in  the  case ; 
and  brought  me  back  to  "  the  forbidden  books."  From  the  pam- 
phlet, "  Hungary's  Good  Right,"  he  read  certain  passages  with  great 


HUiNGAKl"    Ifl    1851.  317 

indignation,  wherein  the  House  of  Hapsburg  was  rather  sharply 
assailed ;  and  then  commented  with  equal  vehemence  over  the 
jwrtraits  of  Kossuth  and  Batthyanyi,  in  the  History  of  the  War. 

I  smiled  at  his  storming  so  over  the  matter,  and  assured  him  thai. 
such  sentiments  did  not  look  at  all  so  terrible  to  a  stranger  as  to  a 
supporter  of  the  Government.  "  In  no  country,"  said  I,  "  is  the  hold- 
ing forbidden  political  books,  considered  a  crime  in  a  stranger.  The 
books,  if  found  on  him,  are  liable  perhaps  to  confiscation — but  be- 
yond this,  he  is  not  held  guilty.  How  can  he  know  what  are  forbid- 
den, and  what  not  ?  This  History  by  Dr.  Schutte,  for  instance,  wa  3 
recommended  to  me  by  the  Royal  Library  in  Berlin,  as  an  impartial, 
able  work.  You  will  see  that  half  is  mere  statistics.  It  appears  the 
Police  has  decided  this  is  a  dangerous  book.  How  can  the  traveller 
know  ? 

"And  as  for  the  portraits,  they  show  nothing  in  a  foreigner — for 
they  are  no  rarities ;  you  can  get  them  for  a  threepence  in  every 
country  of  Europe." 

He  fell  back,  then  on  their  showing,  at  least,  to  which  side  my 
sympathies  inclined.  I  doubted  whether  necessarily  they  would 
show  that ;  but  did  not  press  the  matter.  After  this,  even  in  these 
last  sessions,  we  had  still  a  long  argument  as  to  my  words  with 
regard  to  Ujhazy,  whether  they  indicated  acquaintance  with  him. 
or  not. 

The  same  ground,  too,  was  gone  over  again,  as  in  the  first  exam- 
ination, as  to  my  intimacy  with  Czetz. 

"  Why  did  you  seek  out  the  society  of  that  arch-rebel,  Czetz,  as 
soon  as  you  entered  Germany  ?" 

"  I  did  not — I  met  him  accidentally  at  a  dinner-party  in  Ham- 
burg." 


318  AN    INTERLUDE. 

'  How  many  were  present  ?" 

"  I  do  not  remember." 

"  What  was  your  conversation  with  him  2" 

"  On  the  growing  of  Tokay  wine,  and  the  chances  for  an  emigrant 
in  America." 

"  Why  did  he  give  you  a  letter  to  Mr.  L in  Pesth  ?" 

"  Because  Mr.  L was  an  intimate  friend  of  his,  and  could 

show  me  something  of  Hungarian  life — besides  he  said  the  gentle- 
man was  a  government-officer." 

"  Why  did  you  not  deliver  it  ?" 

"  I  had  no  time,  while  in  Pesth." 

"  Why  is  this  other  card  of  Czetz  in  your  portfolio,  with  another 
note  to  Mr.  L ,  in  pencil  ?" 

Here  the  exercises,  were  somewhat  interrupted  by  the  court's 

giving  some  order  to  one  of  the  soldiers  in  German,  which  he  did  not 
understand — whereupon,  the  Count  rose  up  and  rebuked  a  heavy- 
looking  Lieutenant,  who  always  sat  at  the  other  end,  that  "  any  of 
the  Imperial  Soldiers  in  Hungary  should  be  ignorant  of  German  S" 
There  was  a  little  farther  disagreement  apparently  between  the  clerk 
(a  Hungarian)  and  the  Auditor,  about  the  correct  writing  of  some- 
thing I  had  said — and  at  length,  the  clerk  threw  down  his  pen  in  a 
passion,  and  slammed  himself  out  of  the  room. 

All  which  was  quite  fortunate  for  me,  as  it  gave  me  an  oppor- 
tunity, for  recalling  how  that  other  note  of  Czetz  happened  among 
my  papers. 

"  M.  Czetz,  wrote  one  note  in  pencil,  and  I  suggested  it  might  ge„ 
rubbed  out,  and  he  then  wrote  another.     The  bit  of  paper  was  kept, 
because  it  had  historical  references  on  the  other  side." 
With  such  questionings,  the  examination  ended. 
From  the  extraordinary  sympathy  in  the  town  and  among  all  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  313 

Hungarians  for  my  case,  I  obtained  very  good  information  of  all 
their  measures.  I  knew  that  they  were  alarmed  at  certain  proceed- 
ings (I  supposed,  of  Mr.  McCurdy)  in  Vienna,  and  that  their  great 
object  was  to  fix  something  upon  me,  so  that  they  could  still  hold 
me.  There  was  a  report,  for  a  time  among  the  prisoners,  that  they 
would  use  violence,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  my  troublesome  testimony 
afterwards.  I  never  credited  it,  however.  I  knew  that  the  murder  of 
an  American  citizen,  under  such  circumstances,  would  be  the  signal 
of  a  storm,  which  would  scatter  this  hoary  old  monarchy  of  oppres- 
sion to  the  winds.  And  they  must  be  clear-sighted  enough  to  see 
it. 

It  was  singular,  that  I  found  friends  almost  in  the  very  court  itself. 
I  knew  that  testimony  had  come  in  from  every  side  favorable  to  me, 
and  that  at  this  time,  the  Judge  had,  in  his  own  hands,  important 
letters  for  me.  Still,  everything  yet  looked  uncertain,  as  to  the  re- 
sult. I  was  informed,  beside,  that  wine,  fruits,  linen,  and  various 
articles,  were  constantly  sent  to  me,  from  the  town's-people,  and  were 
always  refused  entrance. 

My  comrades  told  me,  the  rules  about  this  had  become  much 
stricter,  since  an  occurrence  a  year  ago.  A  search  happened  to  be 
made  through  the  prison  for  something,  and  a  quantity  of  letters 
were  found  in  the  prisoners'  hands,  from  their  friends.  The  servants 
were  all  examined  and  flogged,  and  it  appeared  that  the  letters  had 
been  sent  in,  in  meat-pies  and  puddings,  from  the  city. 


CHAPTEK  XXXVII. 


PRISON  LIFE    AND    THE    TRIAL. 


I  had  been  in  my  new  quarters  but  a  sbort  time,  when  a  new 
comrade  was  given  to  our  party,  in  the  person  of  a  Magyar  noble- 
man from  the  neighborhood — a  tall,  fine-looking  man,  with  the 
immense  moustache  of  the  genuine  Magyar.  He  proved  a  very 
agreeable  addition  to  our  mess,  and  we  had  a  great  many  pleasant 
conversations  together.  The  charge  against  him  was,  that  he  had 
spoken  against  persons  in  authority,  i.  e.,  he  was  in  a  wine- 
house,  and   said   that  "  all  the  office-holders   were  a  set  of 

rascals,  and  they  deserved  hanging  !"  For  this,  he  would  probably 
be  there  in  prison  for  three  months,  and  then  be  drafted  into  the 
Austrian  army  as  a  common  soldier  for  a  year  I  There  are  not  a 
few  of  the  best  blood  of  Hungary  now  in  the  ranks  as  privates. 
The  great  consolation  is,  that  they  are  probably  corrupting  the  whole 
army. 


Gros  Wardein  Fortress,  June  17, — I  find  it  all  much  plea- 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  321 

santer  here  than   in  the  old  quarters — it  was  impossible  to  sleep 
there,  what  with  the  fleas  and  the  noise. 

S.  (the  Magyar)  found  an  old  friend  at  once  in  Nagy  (the 
preacher)  and  to  me  he  said  immediately,  "  We  shall  soon  he 
friends  ;  this  must  be  the  place  to  make  acquaintances  fast !"  He 
says  there  is  a  great  deal  of  talk  about  my  arrest,  and  that  the 
Hungarians  are  very  indignant. 

I  am  surprised  how  coolly  he  takes  his  arrest,  though  he  is  an 
old  soldier,  and  more  used  to  such  things.  However,  his  blue  days 
will  come.  He  has  brought  a  good  stock  of  Hungarians  segars, 
which  is  a  great  blessing  to  the  others,  as  they  will  not  smoke  the 
"  Imperial  Austrian"  though  they  are  a  little  cheaper. 

Rich  as  he  is,  he  tells  me  he  has  fully  decided  to  go  to  America, 
if  he  can  only  "  sell  out."  His  plan  is,  to  make  a  company  with 
his  family  and  friends,  and  with  peasants  who  will  stipulate  to  work 
with  them  for  a  certain  number  of  years  and  then  all  to  go  directly 
to  our  Western  States,  and  form  a  small  colony — doing  for  a  time  all 
the  handwork  among  themselves.  He  has  been  learning  working 
in  leather,  with  this  plan,  and  his  brother  a  carpenter's  trade.  He 
cannot  live,  he  says,  in  a  land  where  he  is  not  free.  He  loves 
Hungary  with  a  most  enthusiastic  love,  I  can  see  ;  but  he  will  leave 
it  gladly,  if  it  is  to  remain  so  under  Austrian  tyranny. 

#  %  %  *  -*  * 

The  Provost  tells  me,  in  the  Order  of  the  gens  d'arme,  I  was 
described  as  "  a  highly  dangerous  political  offender,"  and  he  should 
have  put  me  in  irons,  if  it  had  not  been  from  motives  of  humanity. 
He  left  the  two  comrades,  to  keep  me  from  suicide,  and  even  took 
away  all  the  knives  and  forks  for  the  same  reason. 

June  18. — A  new  comrade  has  come  to  our  party,  a  small,  gen- 
tlemanly-looking, dark-faced   man,  a  lawyer  front  Croatia.     Ho  is 
14* 


322  THE    CROAT. 

very  gloomy,  and  walks  the  floor  to  and  fro  in  silence,  occasionally 
bursting  out  with  a  sigh,  and  Oh  Isten  !  (God!)  He  says  but 
little  of  his  case,  except  to  claim  occasionally,  that  he  had  no  part 
in  these  revolutionary  matters,  which  seems  probable.  Suspicion ! 
Suspicion!  that  is  the  principle  and  the  life  of  the  Austrian 
system ! 

We  try  to  make  him  forget  his  troubles,  and  he  seems  very  glatf 
to  talk  with  me.      For  despite  the  little  sympathy  he  expresses  for 
the  Revolution,  it  is  very  evident  he  is  a  thorough  democrat. 
*  *  *  *  *  * 

One  of  our  party  has  quite  a  number  of  Webster's  Letters  on 
Hungarian  affairs  with  him,  which  he  reads  occasionally  with  muck 
spirit,  to  the  others. 


I  was  much  interested  in  my  new  company,  to  notice  the  differ- 
ence of  character  between  this  Croat  and  the  Hungarians.  I  could 
well  understand  the  utter  disunion,  or  antipathy,  which  once  existed 
between  the  two  races.  The  Croat  was  a  lawyer,  an  exceedingly 
well-educated,  shrewd,  supple  man,  but  he  could  not  get  along  at  all 
with  the  Hungarians.  The  two  did  not  fit  together  anywhere. 
They  were  so  open,  manly,  downright ;  he  so  reserved,  keen, 
cautious.  It  was  only  the  good  sense  of  all  parties  which  prevented 
an  open  war  between  them. 

The  Croat  had  taken,  probably,  no  active  part  in  the  Revolution, 
and  now,  while  under  accusation,  was  entirely  "  non-committal"  on 
political  matters.  But,  in  his  conversations  with  me,  I  could  see  he 
was  as  fully  opposed    to  Austrian  oppression   as  the  others  were, 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  323 

though  his  resistance  would  be  to  flee  the  country.     We  used  oft<  n 

together  to  assail  the  old  Hungarian,  Feudal  Constitution,  and  the 
others  would  defend  it.  On  the  whole,  my  company  in  my  new 
quarters  was  very  pleasant,  and  we  became  quite  attached  to  one 
another. 

About  this  time  came  my  last  trial,  and  at  the  close  they  asked 
me  if  I  had  anything  to  say. 

The  remarks  which  I  here  made  undoubtedly  injured  me  more 
than  anything  else  in  the  trial.  Still  they  were  not  made  without 
consideration. 

Thus  far,  I  had  answered  their  accusations  point  by  point,  not 
going  into  anything  irrelevant,  and  avoiding  carefully  all  personali- 
ties, so  that  their  case  might  stand  as  bad  as  possible  before  the 
world.  But  through  it  all,  without  our  directly  saying  anything 
about  it,  there  was  underlying  always  a  reference  to  the  two  differ- 
ent principles  of  government. 

They  had  caught  a  Republican  in  the  midst  of  Hungary.  They 
suspect  him  of  trying  to  diffuse  Republican  sentiments — though 
they  accuse  him  of  offences  against  their  laws.  He  defends  himself 
on  their  own  grounds,  and  shows  his  innocence.  This,  legally,  was 
enough.  But  I  could  not  think  it  worthy  of  a  man,  or  of  the 
great  principles  which  I,  as  one  individual  of  our  Nation  might 
represent,  to  leave  the  case  so.  T  was  here,  indeed,  alone,  and  in 
their  power,  but  I  could  not  slip  out,  without  one  word  before  this 
dark  and  secret  Tribunal,  for  that  Cause  which  they  had  so  con- 
stantly sneered  at,  in  this  trial,  and  which  is  to  me,  if  I  know  myself, 
more  than  life. 

"  Sir,"  said  I,  "the  question  thus  far,  in  this  trial,  has  not  been 
what   my  personal  political  feelings  are,  but  what  these  writings, 


324  "CONFESSION    OF    FAITH." 

found  upon  me,  prove.  On  this  ground,  I  have  answered  and 
defended  myself.  But  I  cannot  let  this  trial  be  terminated  without 
declaring  before  this  Court,  what  my  political  sentiments  are.  /  am 
from  heart  and  soul,  a  Republican — an  American — and  I  have 
been  in  no  land  in  which  I  have  not  been  proud  of  those  names  ! 
We  have  seen  in  our  country  the  wonderful  results  of  Self-govern- 
ment, and  I  would  here,  as  everywhere,  confess  myself  most  heartily 
and  fully  to  that  principle.  At  the  same  time,  I  wish  you  to 
remember  our  countrymen  never  feel  themselves  compelled  to  swear 
to  a- Revolution  because  it  is  a  Revolution.  They  must  know  first 
that  it  seeks  for  Right  and  Justice  and  true  equality.  Although 
holding  these  Republican  views,  it  is  due  to  myself  to  say  that 
never,  since  I  have  been  in  Austria,  have  I  expressed  them  in 
public,  and  not  often  in  private.  My  object  has  been  more  to 
investigate  than  to  agitate.  I  have  wished,  too,  as  much  as  pos- 
sible, to  see  Austria  on  its  best  side.  In  Vienna,  I  have  studied  the 
Austrian  Art,  which  shows  certainly,  at  present,  remarkable  genius. 
I  have  investigated  the  Austrian  improvements  in  Education,  of 
which  even  our  countrymen  will  hear  with  pleasure. 

"  On  entering  Hungary,  one  of  many  objects  with  me,  was  to 
investigate  the  character  of  that  movement  in  1848,  the  news  of 
which  had  reached  even  our  distant  country.  I  do  not  deny  that, 
in  common  with  the  majority  of  my  countrymen,  I  had  once  a  sym- 
pathy for  the  Hungarian  party — the  sympathy  which  the  Americans 
always  have  for  the  movements  of  the  people.  But  it  has  been 
difficult  to  obtain  good  reports.  We  have  heard  many  different 
accounts — facts,  which  would  show  that  no  real  equality  or  justice 
was  aimed  at  in  this  struggle.  And  I  can  say,  that  when  I  entered 
Hungary,  I  was  almost  completely  unbiassed  in  the  matter.  To 
obtain  information  on  this,  as  well  as  to  examine  the  old  political 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  32.' 

institutions  of  the  country,  among  the  most  original  and  peculiar  m 
in  Europe,  was  one  of  my  great  objects.  With  this  in  view,  I 
have  studied  the  old  Constitution,  the  present  and  past  laws,  the 
institutions  as  well  as  the  general  character  and  habits  of  the 
Nation. 

"  My  actions  have  been  open  and  public — never  in  any  degree 
like  those  of  a  conspirator  or  emissary.  I  have  visited  many  public 
men  of  different  parties,  and  have  been  in  public  places  often.  Yet, 
with  all  this,  while  observing  every  law  of  your  country,  I  have 
been  arrested,  and — " 

"  Altogether  superfluous,  Sir !  Altogether  irrevelant !"  interrupted 
the  Auditor,  with  a  disturbed  shrug  of  his  shoulders — and  rising 
indignantly — "  You  have  said  quite  enough,  Sir !  We  see  what 
you  are  !"  looking  over  to  the  President,  "  Strange  that  he  should 
have  ever  been  admitted  into  the  country  !'' 

"  Very  strange  !"  said  the  President,  frowning  angrily. 

Then  came  some  sharp  questioning  as  to  my  expressions  of  Re- 
publicanism and  previous  sympathy  with  the  Hungarian  Party. 
They  could  not  succeed,  however,  in  changing  them  into  anything 
worse — and  with  this,  the  trial  ended. 

The  four  comrades  in  my  room,  as  soon  as  we  hud  had,  according 
to  custom,  a  conference  over  the  proceedings  of  the  last  session, 
congratulated  me  at  once,  on  my  prospect  of  enjoying  their  society 
some  months  longer  yet,  and  I  myself  concluded  I  had  lengthened 
very  considerably  my  term.  However,  T  had  nothing  to  regret,  and 
I  sat  myself  down  to  bear  the  worst. 

In  the  evening,  my  Austrian  friend  came  in,  "  Ah,  Carlos  ! 
Carlos!"  said  he,  "  we  hear  you  were  not  wise — You  have  hurt 
your  own  case  ;  they  have  sent  on  this  speech  at  once  to  Vienna — 
You  will  suffer  for  it." 


126  GOOD    NEWS! 

At  length,  after  some  three  weeks  of  this,  I  was  summoned  one 
day,  before  the  Court,  and  the  Auditor  met  me,  with  his  most  con- 
ciliating manner,  and  said,  "  I  have  good  news  for  you  !"  handing 
me  a  letter  from  Mr.  Mc  Curdy  !  I  was  obliged  to  break  the  seal 
before  the  Court,  and  allow  them  to  read  it  first.  But  as  it  was 
English,  and  the  President  only  knew  a  few  words,  they  at  length 
permitted  me  to  read  it  aloud  in  German,  before  the  Court,  which  I 
did  with  great  gusto  ! 

If  any  one  of  my  readers  will  imagine  himself  shut  up  for  weeks 
in  a  remote  foreign  prison,  not  knowing,  all  the  while,  whether  he 
was  to  be  imprisoned  for  life,  or  to  be  summarily  shot  by  a  "  drum- 
head court-martial,"  treated  throughout  like  a  worthless  criminal,  then 
if  he  will  suppose  himself  suddenly  receiving  a  letter  from  the  Repre- 
sentative of  a  mighty  Nation,  the  only  man  who  possibly  could  help 
him — a  letter  at  once  friendly,  and  bold,  and  manly — he  will  get 
some  faint  idea  of  my  feelings,  as  I  read  Mr.  McCurdy's  letter  to  the 
Court  on  this  occasion.  I  felt  safe  again.  I  felt  that  the  represen- 
tative of  twenty-five  millions  of  men  was  speaking  for  me,  and  in  a 
way  which  must  be  heard. 

The  letter  had  been  detained  some  ten  days  after  the  time  in 
which  it  ought  to  have  reached  me.  It  began  with  an  account  of 
his  proceedings  in  my  behalf.  As  soon  as  he  had  heard  of  the 
event,  he  applied  directly,  by  letter,  to  Prince  Schwarzenberg,  and 
then  personally  enforced  his  demand  for  my  immediate  release.  He 
had  received  favorable  assurances,  and  should  not  intermit  a  moment 
his  efforts,  &c.  Then  followed  this  passage,  which  it  was  a  great 
satisfaction  to  read  to  the  man  who  had  treated  me  as  an  impostor, 
and  bullied  me  so  long ;  "  As  I  am  perfectly  convinced  you  can  have 
been  guilty  of  no  offence,  and  as  the  Austrian  Government  can 
have  no  motive  or  inclination  to  create  a  hostile  feeling  on  the  part 


HUNGARY    IN     1851.  327 

of  ours,  I  expect  your  immediate  release."  And  then,  after  some 
farther  friendly  words,  the  closing  passage  :  "  Every  motive—  friend- 
ship for  you,  respect  for  your  family,  a  regard  for  the  rights  and 
honor  of  our  country,  impel  me  to  spare  no  efforts  in  your  he- 
half." 

The  Auditor  looked  positively  uncomfortable  as  I  read  out  that  last, 
with  all  proper  emphasis.  It  had  begun  to  enter  his  head  that 
shutting  up  an  American  citizen  for  a  month  in  an  Austrian  dungeon, 
on  suspicion,  might  not  be  considered  at  all  as  a  trifling  matter  by 
the  American  people. 

^Vhen  I  came  up-stairs  again,  a  crowd  of  the  prisoners  gathered 
eagerly  around  me,  and  I  read  the  letter  in  full  to  them.     They  could 
not  restrain  their  delight,  and  at  the  close,  there  was  an  enthusi 
astic  Eljen  McCcrdy  !  which  made  the  old  walls  ring  again. 

Beside  this  letter,  there  had  been  another,  written  me  by  our 
Consul,  Mr.  Schwarz,  from  Vienna.  This  ought  to  have  reached 
me  long  before  ;  but,  according  to  this  villanous  Austrian  system,  all 
letters  sent  through  the  Post  Office  to  my  name  were  opened.  The 
mode  of  the  operation,  as  I  learned  in  private,  is  this.  "When  the 
Government  suspect  a  man,  his  name  is  sent  to  the  officer  who  has 
charge  of  the  sorting  the  letters,  and  a  letter  to  his  address  is  at 
once  handed  over  to  the  police.  There  is  a  perfect  system  in  the 
rascality.  No  Post  Office  clerk  has  the  right  to  open  as  he  will ; 
the  order  must  come  from  the  police.  My  letter  had  been  sent  up 
to  the  Commissary  of  Police  in  Pesth,  and  he  had  written  on  it, 
"  Nothing  dangerous  /"  and  it  was  forwarded  to  Gros  Wardein. 
There,  the  Auditor  had  read  it,  and  thought  it  was  "  dangerous," 
until  after  Mr.  McCurdy's  letter  came  ;  after  that,  he  concluded  to 
hnnd  it  over  to  me.     I  should  never  have  received,  probably,  Mr. 


328  VISITS. 

McCurdy's,  if  he  had  not  had  the  personal  promise  of  Bockh  him- 
self, the  Minister  of  the  Interior,  that  it  should  reach  me. 

Such  is  one  slight  specimen  of  Austrian  police  rule. 

My  knowledge,  at  this  time,  of  their  whole  operations,  would  have 
surprised  them  enough. 

After  this,  I  found  myself  better  treated.  The  Auditor  came  and 
inquired  after  my  conditiou  ;  and  sent  a  dapper  little  doctor  to  inves- 
tigate the  state  of  the  prison,  as  affecting  the  health  of  us  prison- 
ers;  which  gave  an  excellent  opportunity  for  our  Frenchman  to  utter 
a  most  violent  tirade,  he  had  been  saving  up  for  some  time,  against 
the  general  filthiness  of  the  Castle — and  to  praise  the  superior  con- 
veniences of  the  other  state  prisons  in  Hungary,  with  which  he  was 
abundantly  familiar.  The  General  too — a  very  polite  and  near- 
sighted old  gentleman — called  on  me,  and  spoke  English  with  me, 
and  called  me,  "  my  dear,"  and  promised  me  books — which  never 
came. 


June  19. — "We  see  the  Countess  occasionally  in  the  garden,  by 
standing  up  on  our  window-seat  and  looking  over  the  boards. 

One  can  see  from  her  manner  and  gait,  that  her  spirit  is  not  the 
least  broken. 

The  Provost  himself,  though  a  not  especially  sensitive  nature  to 
such  things,  is  most  impressed  with  her  heroism  and  patriotic  feel- 
ing. He  says  among  all  the  many  and  titled  prisoners  he  has  had, 
he  has  never  known  any  one  with  such  real  nobility.  The  report  in 
prison  is,  that  she  had  letters  in  cypher  from  Mazzini,  but  that  she 
always  translated  them  in  the  same  way — as  letters  with  a  declara- 
tion of  love  !     She  had  travelled  much,  and  the  Austrians  probably 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  329 

suspect  her  of  having  met  the  Revolutionists  in  foreign  hinds.  Her 
family  is  one  of  the  most  influential  in  Hungary,  and  they  are  work- 
ing now  for  her  at  Court. 


To-day  is  my  birth-day — how  little  had  I  ever  expected  it  would 
be  spent  in  an  Austrian  prison,  will  my  next  be  here  or  am  I  soon 
to  be  free  ?  My  hopes  are  very  much  greater  since  receiving  Mr. 
McCurdy's  spirited  letter.  He  has  taken  up  the  matter,  evidently 
like  a  man.  Some  of  the  officials  fear  it  will  be  a  casus  belli,  unless 
some  good  ground  can  be  shown. 


I  gave  a  dinner  to  my  comrades  as  it  was  my  birth-day,  and 
invited  in  Major  L.,  the  Frenchmen.  All  went  on  very  socially  and 
in  a  friendly  way  for  a  while,  until  unfortunately  one  of  the  party 
made  some  depreciating  remarks  on  the  French  Republic.  Then 
commenced  a  fearful  strife,  the  Frenchman  maintaining  that  Bona- 
parte was  one  of  the  truest  democrats,  and  that  he  offered  liberty 
to  Hungary,  and  that  France  was  leading  now,  as  she  always  had, 
the  nations  to  freedom  !  The  Hungarians  doubted  Bonaparte — con- 
sidered the  French  Republic  a  humbug — and  questioned  whether 
France  was  in  any  way  ready  for  liberty  ! 

They  all  became  very  much  excited  and  if  the  Trovost  had  not 
happily  come  in,  I  hardly  know  how  it  would  have  ended. 


330  A    PRIEST. 

One  of  our  party,  the  landholder  from  Siebenburgen,  swears  ter- 
ribly at  the  Austrian  injustice  toward  me — and  I  certainly  think  no 
language  in  the  world  has  the  capabilities  for  fearful  cursing  which 
the  Hungarian  has.  There  is  one  oath,  used  by  almost  every  sol- 
dier I  have  met  in  Hungary,  one  of  the  most  blasphemous  and  sin- 
gular which  the  mind  can  imagine — I  doubt  whether  any  other 
language  ever  possessed  a  similar.  *  *  *  (The  Slavonic  lan- 
guages all  have  a  similar  curse,  and  its  origin  can  be  philosophically 
explained.     It  is  not  to  be  written.) 

June  21. — The  day  on  which  the  General  distinctly,  promised 
my  release.     But  nothing  comes. 

There  is  a  droll  Catholic  priest  in  one  of  the  other  rooms,  sen- 
tenced here  for  exciting  his  Majesty's  soldiers  to  revolt.  He  speaks 
Latin  with  the  Croat,  and  always  calls  him  "  Vestra  magnificentia  /" 
He  is  in  fetters,  and  is  yet  in  considerable  danger  of  being  hung. 
His  defence  on  his  trial,  was  characteristic  enough.  "  Gracious 
Sirs  !"  said  he,  "  all  that  your  honors  have  said  about  the  Demo- 
cratic, committees  and  the  societies  for  the  overthrow  of  law  and 
order,  and  the  pass-words  and  the  countersigns  may  be  true ;  your 
honors  know  best,  but  it  is  altogether  new  to  me !  I  hear  about  it 
for  the  first  time.  Still,  your  honors,  I  had  always  supposed  that  the 
men  sent  out  by  these  grand  societies  had  money.  But  now,  your 
honors,  all  I  have  in  the  world  is  this  Gulden  Schein  (18|  cents,) 
and  five  pfennings  !  Then,  your  honors,  though  I  do  not  know  any- 
thing about  such  matters,  still  I  have  always  heard  they  chose  pru- 
dent, careful  men  for  emissaries,  but  now  you  know  I  drink  !  I 
never  could  keep  a  secret!  I  am  only  a  dolt  (Lump,)  as  your 
honors  can  see  !"  The  whole  court  laughed  right  out  at  this,  and 
he  probably  saved  his  head  by  the  speech. 

The   Hungarians   have   learned   cunning   in   their    misfortunes. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  331 

N ,  says,  that  whenever,  now,  they  are  allowed  to  meet  their 

friends  in  the  presence  of  the  Court,  they  manage  to  convey  a  great 
deal  of  information  to  them,  by  talking  directly  to  the  Major — for 
the  moment  they  commence  any  conversation  of  importance,  the 
Major  says,  "Aus  ist  die  Conferenz  /"  (The  meeting  is  up  !)  How- 
ever, it  is  not  often  they  have  the  privilege  of  meeting  any  one,  even 
in  this  way. 

June  22. — We  have  frequent  discussions  now  together  on  political 
matters,  and  one  must  confess  that  the  Hungarians  do  argue  with 
great  readiness  and  keenness  on  legal  and  political  subjects.  They 
have  evidently  had  a  good  political  education.  The  Croat  and  my- 
self have  been  attacking  the  old  Hungarian  Constitution,  and  the 
others  defending  it.  I  find  that  C,  the  gentleman  from  the  neigh- 
bourhood, was  a  member  of  the  Parliament  or  Diet  of  '48  which  did 
away  with  the  feudal  service  of  the  peasants  ;  and  in  the  party  which 
in  the  Diet  of  '32  commenced  this  reform.  He  says  the  measure 
has  cost  him  two-fifths  of  his  income !  *  *  *  * 

There  was  another  person  sent  in  to-day  by  the  authorities,  to  the 
prison,  arrested  because  he  had  spoken  in  a  wine-room,  before  others 
of  Kossuth's  return.  He  is  in  fetters.  There  appears  to  be  a  spy 
in  almost  every  drinking-shop  of  the  town. 

(End  of  Journal).* 

Thirty  days  of  this  dull  life  had  passed,  when  one  afternoon,  the 
Provost  came  again  to  summon  me  before  the  Court — this  time, 
however,  without  a  soldier.  I  understood  it  at  once,  though  I  said 
nothing,  and  as  we  walked  over  the  same  old  corridors  which  I  had 
traversed  so  often  with  such  various  feelings,  I  gave  a  side-look  of 

*  This  Journal  I  succeeded  in  carrying  away  with  me  in  the  lining  of  my 
boots  and  portmanteau. 


332  THE    LAST    "SESSION." 

inquiry  to  him.     He  nodded  his  head  cheerily,  as  much  as  to  say, 
"  It  is  our  last  walk." 

The  Count  and  the  Auditor  rose  and  bowed  as  I  entered. 

I  bowed  in  return. 

"  We  are  happy  at  length  to  announce  your  freedom,  Sir !" 

All  my  money  and  articles  were  restored  to  me  ;  my  books  and 
papers  sent  on  to  Pesth,  and  I  informed  that  "  This  unfortunate 
mistake  could  at  length  be  righted,"  and  I  was  to  go  directly  to 
Pesth.  But,  as  I  had  no  passport,  (it  had  been  sent  on  by  them 
with  the  papers),  it  would  be  best  for  me  to  go  in  company  with  a 
gentleman  they  could  recommend  !  He  would  take  charge  of  all 
the  arrangements,  and  I  would  have  no  further  difficulties,  as,  under 
the  circumstances,  a  further  journey  on  my  part  was  hardly  advis- 
able. I  had  become  use  to  their  polite,  diplomatic,  mode  of  lying, 
by  this  time,  and  I  required  to  know,  in  plain  language,  how  it  was? 
"  Am  I  free,  or  do  I  travel  off  under  arrest  P  "  Oh  no,  Sir,  under 
no  arrest !  You  have  merely  the  escort  of  this  gentleman  to  Pesth, 
who  will  carry  you  directly  to  the  Commissary  of  Police,  and  there 
you  will  learn  what  further  is  to  result  in  your  case  !"  In  the  mean- 
time I  was  to  go  to  the  apartments  of  the  Praises,  Count  Daun, 
and  wait  for  the  vehicle,  which  would  be  ready  in  a  few  hours. 

•I  went  back  to  the  room,  in  order  to  have  my  last  moments,  if 
possible,  with  the  prisoners,  and  not  with  any  from  this  detested 
Court.  We  drank  coffee  together  for  the  last  time.  They  took  my 
address  in  America,  and  I  their  names,  which  I  put  in  the  lining  of 
my  hat.  We  promised  a  re-union  in  a  freer  land.  "  Tell  our 
countrymen,"  said  one,  "  wherever  you  meet  them,  in  your  Father- 
land or  in  Europe,  that  we  are  waiting  for  them !  They  are  the 
happy  ones  !  They  are  free !  We,  in  the  prisons,  or  anywhere  in 
this  land,  are  the  slaves  !     But  tell  them  never  to  forget  their  coun- 


HUNGARY    IN    1S51.  333 

try  !"     Then,    with   a   regret,    which   I,   for    my    part,    had  never 
expected  to  feel  at  leaving  a  Hungarian  prison,  we  all  einbr 
each  other. 

The  clergyman,  though  a  man  not  much  accustomed  to  express 
his  feelings,  threw  his  arms  around  my  neck,  and  kissed  me  re- 
peatedly, his  firm  face  working  in  uncontrollable  emotion.  Poor 
man  !  I  know  how  he  felt.  It  was  like  a  glimpse  for  a  moment 
of  the  free  land,  which  he  had  dreamed  of,  for  Hungary  and  him- 
self, and  then  all  to  be  darkness  again. 


It  cannot  be  imagined  what  a  strange  feeling  came  over  me,  as 
I  stepped  out  in  the  sunlight  again,  like  any  other  free  man  !  As 
I  walked  with  the  Provost  over  to  the  Count's  apartments,  I  could 
not  help  turning,  every  now  and  then,  to  hear  the  "  Einruckm  f 
"  March  in  /"  of  the  officer  on  guard,  as  if  I  had  gone  too  far  !  I 
saw,  for  the  first  time,  myself,  how  faint  had  been  my  hopes  of  free- 
dom. The  Count  and  the  Auditor  were  full  of  the  smoothest 
politeness.  They  led  me  out  into  the  garden,  told  me  of  the  old 
history  of  the  fortress,  cracked  funny  jokes,  and  brought  out  their 
best  stories.  I  was  not  rude,  but  I  could  not  laugh  with  them ; 
the  men  who  had  bullied  when  I  was  without  friends,  and  who 
flattered,  now  that  I  had  them.  I  thought,  too,  of  the  lonely  and 
heavy-hearted  who  were  up  there,  behind  the  iron  bars  yonder,  left 
there  by  their  injustice,  and  I  had  not  the  heart  to  join  in  their 
jokes. 

The  Count  very  politely  offered  me  wine,  but  I  did  not  drink  ; 
and  as  the  Auditor  went  away,  and  wished  me  "good  bye."  I 
avoided  taking  his  hand. 


334  THE    "GOOD    BYE" 

While  I  was  waiting  for  the  carriage,  I  went  out  to  look  at  the 
court-yard  for  the  last  time,  where  I  had  walked  so  often  between 
the  sentinels.  As  I  stood  in  the  balcony,  the  Countess  came  by 
from  her  walk  with  the  Provost.  I  tried  to  catch  her  eye,  to  wave 
"  Good  bye,"  but  she  did  not  see  me  ;  I  just  exchanged  a  grateful 
glance  with  the  Austrian  friend  who  had  given  me  such  good  infor- 
mation, even  at  the  risk  of  his  own  head,  when  the  carnage  drove 
up.  The  "  gentleman,"  with  whom  I  was  to  travel,  was  at  once 
introduced  to  me,  and  I  saw  directly,  despite  the  smart  black  coat 
and  the  brown  summer  hat — what  I  had  expected — that  he  was  a 
military  officer.     I  said  nothing,  however. 

The  General  shook  hands  with  me,  and  told  me  "  to  write  to 
him  when  I  reached  Vienna  !"  I  thanked  him  for  his  politeness, 
and  took  off  my  hat  to  the  others,  the  soldiers  waved  their  caps, 
and  off  we  started,  on  the  edge  of  a  June  evening,  from  the  old 
fortress — which  had  given  me  so  many  a  weary  horn- — toward 
"  Fkeedom  and  Home  !" 


CHAPTER  XXXYIIL 

Freedom  Again  ! 

Of  all  the  feelings  of  my  life — if  I  live  a  hundred  years — I  shall 
never  forget  that  exhilaration  of  delight,  as  I  rode  out  for  the  first 
time  into  the  mild,  soft  air  of  that  beautiful  June  night.  The 
breath  of  free  air  again,  the.  sight  of  stars  and  clouds,  the  rapid 
movement,  the  new  hopes  and  the  memory  of  past  Suffering,  the 
stern  looking  forward  to  Justice  on  Wrong,  the  thankfulness  infinite 
for  my  deliverance,  all  worked  upon  my  mind  so,  that  I  was  in  a 
fever  of  excitement.  It  was  like  a  new  life.  It  seemed  to  me  I 
could  swim  in  that  delicious  atmosphere.  In  their  zeal  to  please 
me,  they  had  let  me  travel  as  I  pleased,  and  I  told  my  companions 
to  drive  on  all  night;  I  had  no  desire  to  sleep  or  rest.  Thoughts 
and  feelings  pressed  through  my  breast,  as  I  have  never  even 
imagined  before.  Still,  I  thought  it  would  not  be  at  all  social  to  be 
entirely  absorbed  in  this  delight,  so  I  joined  in  conversation  with  my 
companion.  He  took  an  early  opportunity  to  mention,  incidentally, 
that  he  had  been  in  the  Hussars  for  fifteen  years,  and  that  be  had 
double-barrelled  pistols  in  his  pockets,  and  a  gun  under  the  seat,  for 
robbers  !    I  received  the  account  very  coolly,  examined  the  pistols,  and 


336  THE    H7SSAR. 

told  him  of  a  kind  we  had,  which  would  shoot  six  times  to  his 
twice — rather  doubted  whether  they  were  ever  of  much  use  to  any 
one,  except  to  "  a  dead  shot," — and  then  fell  into  a  long  conversa- 
tion with  him,  with  the  deliberate  purpose  of  trying  his  political 
principles. 

I  had  felt  very  curious  to  know  who  my  "  gentleman-escort" 
would  be — I  was  quite  sure  that  I  could  win  the  sympathies  of 
almost  any  Hungarian  if  I  chose,  and  I  concluded  they  would  send 
a  Bohemian,  as  they  themselves,  nearly  all,  were  Bohemians.  But 
I  saw  immediately  that  they  had  chosen  their  man  with  their  usual 
skill.  A  Hungarian,  but  one  who  had  served  in  the  Austrian  army 
for  fifteen  years,  until  almost  every  free  idea  was  worked  out  of  him. 
A  brawny  fellow,  of  iron  nerve,  used  now  as  chief  of  mounted 
police,  to  scour  the  country  for  robbers,  and  dependent  on  Govern- 
ment for  his  bread.  I  was  as  safe  under  him  as  I  would  have  been 
with  an  escort  of  a  regiment  of  dragoons.  As  we  rattled  along 
through  the  dark  woods,  or  over  the  plains  under  the  bright  star- 
light, he  commenced  the  conversation  by  a  series  of  stories  calculated 
to  impress  my  mind,  of  terrible  combats  he  had  had  with  robbers  in 
such  places.  How  they  had  shaken  with  fear,  till  their  pistols 
dropped  from  their  hands,  at  merely  hearing  his  name  !  How  he 
had  penetrated  into  their  hiding-places  in  the  woods,  and  shot  their 
chiefs  in  the  midst  of  the  gang!  How  many  narrow  escapes  he 
himself  had  had,  and  the  like,  until  he  thought  I  was  sufficiently 
awe-struck  thereby. 

The  conversation  did  connect  itself  very  appropriately  with  the 
dark  thickets  through  which  we  passed,  and  the  uncertain,  star-lit 
scene  around  us — and  I  could  very  readily  have  imagined,  in  many 
ft  gloomy  covert,  the  robber-bands  he  was  describing.  But  I  was 
most  interested  in  other  things,  and  commenced  plying  him  soon  on 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  337 

every  side  in  political  matters.  lie  proved,  for  a  long  while,  utterly 
insensible.  He  was  interested  to  hear  of  America ;  thought  it  was 
a  very  good  thing  to  be  where  there  were  ""no  passports,"  and  "  no 
political  Police,"  and  where  "  the  boot-black  could  become  ] 
dent  if  he  was  intelligent  enough," — still,  "  he  didn't  care  a  damn  ; 
it  was  good  enough  here,  if  they  had  only  given  him  a  rather  1> 
pension.  It  was  a  rich  and  beautiful  land,  with  corn  and  wine  plenty 
and  cheap.  He  had  enough."  I  sounded  him  about  "  the  present 
policy  of  the  Government  in  Hungary  :  "  It  did  not  trouble  him 
any,  except  the  tobacco-law,  and  that  not  so  much  him  as  the  others, 
because  he  was  a  Government  officer ;  besides,  he  thought  it  would 
be  repealed." 

I  led  him  on  to  the  Revolution.  Oh  !  that  was  a  fanciful,  over- 
strained matter.  It  never  could  have  succeeded — he  always  said  so. 
They  had  liberty  enough  before!  "And  then  it  broke  up  our 
splendid  regiment  of  Hussars ;  they  all  went  over  to  the  Hunga- 
rians !" 

There  was  only  one  point  on  which  he  was  open  to  attack,  and 
that  was  his  country,  and  the  valor  of  his  countrymen.  Despite  his 
being  an  "  Imperial  officer,"  he  did  relate,  with  a  most  evident  <justo 
how  "His  Imperial  Majesty's  soldiers"  were  scattered  by  the  Hun- 
garians, till  nothing  could  be  found  of  them  on  the  Upper  Danube  ; 
and  it  was  a  real  delight  to  him  to  describe  how  the  undisciplined 
army  of  eight  thousand  of  his  countrymen  held  a  tried  Russian  host 
of  eighty  thousand  a  whole  day  at  bay,  near  Debreczin.  Then  his 
own  Hussars,  what  terrible  fellows  they  were  !  How  they  Btorm<  I 
Ofen  on  foot,  when  they  couldn't  use  their  horses  !  How  they  l<  i 
the  battle,  and  how  they  bioke  their  swords  and  shot  their  hoi 
and  themselves,  when  they  heard  of  the  laying  down  of  the  arms  at 
Vilagos ! 

15 


338  THE    RIDE. 

lie  was  a  true  servant  of  the  Emperor  ;  he  had  everything  to  bind 
him  to  his  service ;  but  when  the  cry  of  "  The  Country  !"  echoes 
once  more  through  the  land,  and  his  old  comrades  have  struck  some 
bold  blow,  will  even  he  stand  aloof  ? 

I  have  related  the  conversation  as  illustrating  a  most  prominent 
trait  in  Hungarian  character — a  trait  destined  exceedingly  to  affect 
the  destiny  of  the  nation. 

Our  conversation  gradually  drooped  as  the  night  came  on,  and  my 
companion  nodded  in  his  seat.  I  had  no  inclination  to  sleep,  how- 
ever. There  was  too  much  in  these  past  days  to  think  of,  and  too 
much  to  hope  for,  and  too  sudden  a  contrast  of  feelings,  to  allow  me 
in  any  way  to  rest.  I  had  been  a  criminal  behind  iron  bars  and 
stone  walls,  with  the  chance  always  hanging  over  me  of  being  sud- 
denly summoned  before  the  court-martial  and  shot  as  a  spy.  All 
I  could  see  of  other  men,  was  among  my  fellow-prisoners,  and  the 
only  sight  of  the  world,  which  never  seemed  so  beautiful  as  then, 
was  through  the  chink  in  the  closed  dungeon-window. 

Now  to  be  whirling  along  in  the  free  air ;  to  be  treated  in  some 
degree,  as  an  honorable  man  again ;  to  know  that  I  was  hastening 
on  towards  those  who  trusted  and  love  me,  and  that  I  was  getting 
nearer  the  great  routes  of  travel,  where  sudden  deeds  of  dark  injus- 
tice could  not  so  easily  be  done — all  this  filled  me  with  such  exhila- 
rating feelings  as  one  can  never  have  a  second  time  in  his  life.  But 
I  did  not  feel  entirely  secure.  I  had  not  the  least  shadow  of  confi- 
dence in  the  honor  or  the  justice  ol  the  Austrian  authorities.  The 
prison  had  revealed  too  many  an  iniquitous  deed.  And  it  struck 
me  as  remarkable,  that  we  had  started  off  just  at  the  edge  of  even- 
ing— though,  as  I  have  since  thought,  the  reason  probably  was,  that 
they  feared  a  demonstration,  or  a  rescue  in  Gros  Wardein,  where  the 
excitement  was  very  great  about  the  matter.     I  resolved  to  watch 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  339 

the  proceedings  of  my  companions  closely,  and  at  once  to  call  upon 
the  Hungarians,  if  any  deed  of  violence  seemed  probable.  Occu- 
pied in  these  thoughts,  I  was  hardly  conscious  that  the  short  night 
was  over,  and  the  morning  light  glimmering  around  us.  We  soon 
begin  to  meet,  however,  the  indefatigable  Bauer  going  out  to  their 
work  ;  and  within  a  short  time  the  roads  were  full  of  heavy  wagons 
and  the  market-women,  with  their  huge  baskets,  and  I  could  soon 
begin  to  see  those  most  original-looking  Hungarian  villages,  which 
had  so  interested  me  in  my  earlier  travels.  At  Length,  we  stopped 
at  our  second  station,  in  the  early  morning,  and  lay  down  on  some 
benches  for  an  hour's  sleep. 

I  met  an  instance  here  of  that  Hungarian  peculiarity  which  I 
have  before  mentioned. 

My  Hussar  called  upon  the  village  judge  for  horses.  The  pea- 
sant promised  them.  The  Hussar  seemed  to  doubt  whether  ho 
would  hold  to  his  words,  and  still  demanded  a  further  promise. 

The  only  reply  which  the  peasant  made,  was  a  dignified  "  Magyar 
ember !"  "lam  a  Hungarian /"  and  the  Hussar  was  at  once  satis- 
fied. 

All  that  day,  till  late  in  the  evening,  with  a  new  Vorspann  in 
every  village,  behind  those  fine-limbed,  little  Hungarian  horses,  so 
rouo-h-lookiiifr,  but  so  fleet,  we  rattled  on  over  the  wide  Pmztas 
toward  the  Theiss.  I  was  surprised  to  see  how  the  report  of  my 
affair  had  spread.  Every  tavern-keeper  knew  all  the  circumstances, 
even  to  the  acquaintances  I  had  visited  ;  though  the  account  of  my 
treatment  was  rather  worse  than  reality:  as  they  all  had  it,  1  vraa 
put  directly  in  irons !  The  interest  was  the  greater,  as  there  is 
scarcely  a  village  in  the  land,  where  Webster's  letters  have  nut 
reached,  and  probably  the  similarity  between  ray  case  and  that  sup- 
posed of  Mr.  Mann,  struck  them  at  once. 


340  TREATMENT    BY    PEASANTS. 

We  passed  during  those  days  through  the  country  of  the  "  Stock 
Hungarians,"  as  they  call  them — the  original,  genuine  race — ster- 
ling men,  whom  five  hundred  years  of  Austrian  oppression  will 
never  make  slaves. 

It  was  a  very  great  secret  satisfaction  to  me   to  see  how  my 
''  Imperial  Officer"  was  treated  among  them.     He  had  an  "  open 
order"  from  Government  that  "  no  one  should  delay  him  on  railroad 
or  highway  for  an  hour ;"  and  every  village  was  bound  immediately 
to  furnish  him  its  Vorspann — that  is,  a    wagon  with  four  horses. 
Besides,  he  could  have  imprisoned  any  of  them  a  twelvemonth  for 
impeding  him.     But  he  could  get  nothing  done.     The  sturdy  Hun- 
garian farmers   on    the    road— the  Baiter — met  him   grimly  and 
roughly,  or  they  stood  by  in  silence,  looking  out  sternly  at  him 
from  under  their  dark  eyebrows.     He  offered  money  freely,  and  he 
stormed,  but  it  was  long  before  he  could  get  horses,  or  even  accom- 
modation in  the  inns.     One  rough  old  Cumauian  inn-keeper  he 
would  certainly  have  sent  to  the  fortress,  if  it  had  not  been  for  my 
solicitation.     He  was  obliged  to  summon  the  village  judges  for  the 
Vorspann,  and  tall,  noble-looking  peasants  they  were,  wrapped  in 
their  huge  sheep-skins.     But,  Bauer  as  they  were,  they  met  him 
with  a  bearing  even  more  proud  and  dignified  than  his  own.     They 
did  not  answer  his  threats,  and  obeyed  his  commands,  but  there 
was  not  a  trace  of  fear  or  of  cringing  in  them.     I  could  not  but  con- 
trast with  all  this  my  own  treatment,  when  I  travelled  a  few  weeks 
a-ro  among  another  part  of  the  same   race  as  an  "American." 
Then  no  hand  could  be  too  quick  to  serve  me.     Horses  were  offered 
more  than  I  could  use,  and  no  money  would  be  taken.     Every 
home  was  open  to  me,  and  hospitality  was  poured  upon  me,  more 
than  I  could  possibly  accept.     The  eyes  of  strong  men  filled  with 
tears,  as  they  spoke  of  the  noble  generosity  of  our  nation  to  the 


HUNGARY    IN     1851.  341 

poor  exiles  from  Hungary,  and  of  the  generous  sympathy  we  had 
given  then  country.  Enough  could  not  be  done  to  welcome  the 
American. 

Travelling  on  in  this  way,  through  the  long  June  days,  it  was 
towards  the  middle  of  the  third  day  before  we  began  to  approach 
the  neighborhood  of  Szolnok,  where  the  railroad  from  Pesth  termi- 
nates. 

Here,  in  an  out-of-the-way  place,  as  good  luck  would  have  it,  we 
chanced  suddenly  on  two  of  my  friends,  whom,  of  all  others,  in 
Hungary  I  wished  most  to  see.  They  had  been  examined,  I  knew, 
in  my  case,  and,  as  they  were  men  of  wide  influence,  I  wanted 
extremely  to  tell  my  own  story  to  them.  I  had  feared  I  should  be 
sent  out  of  Hungary  without  ever  Laving  had  an  opportunity  of 
giving  my  version  of  the  affair. 

It  was  a  great  surprise  to  all  of  us,  meeting;  but  before  my 
Hussar  knew  exactly  what  to  do,  I  was  out  of  the  wagon  grasping 
hands  with  them,  and  half  through  mv  account  of  the  trial.  I 
spoke  in  a  loud  voice,  and  stood  right  by  the  side  of  the  officer,  and 
he  did  not  venture  to  interrupt  us.  They  heard  with  great  interest, 
though  they  had  understood  it  all,  from  the  beginning.  And  as  I 
related  how  long  Mr.  McCurdy  had  demanded,  and  how  long  my 
release  was  delayed,  T  could  see  that,  despite  their  sympathy,  their 
eyes  sparkled  with  a  secret  satisfaction.  In  reply,  they  told  me  of  a 
proceeding  of  the  Gros  "Wardein  Court,  which,  better  than  anything 
else,  will  show  to  the  world  the  character  of  these  Austrian  Courts. 

They  had  received  a  letter,  before  tiheir  examination,  from  the 
Court,  under  the  name  of  Gen.  Bbai  nuok  himself,  stating  that  I 
had  confessed  I  was  an  emissary  of  Ujhasy,  and  exhorting  them,  if 
lli<\-  expected  any  mercy,  to  confess  all  tiny  knew  of  me! 

This,  be  it  remembered,  was  a  letter  to  prominent  men  in  Hun- 


342  RAIL-ROADS    AGAIN. 

gary,  signed  with  the  name  of  the  General  second  in  command  in 
the  land. 

If  this  does  not  show  unprincipled  villany  on  the  part  of  Austrian 
Courts,  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  would. 

At  length  after  three  days  of  this  constant  travel,  we  reached  the 
railroad  station  near  the  Theiss,  the  limit  of  our  journey  with  horses. 
I  cannot  recal  many  pleasanter  sights  than  the  first  glimpse,  as  we 
approached  the  station-house,  of  a  real  black,  puffing  locomotive.  I 
seemed  to  be  indeed  getting  back  into  the  world  again.  It  spoke 
of  open,  stirring,  modern  life,  and  of  something  entirely  opposed  to 
these  secret  Courts  and  hidden  Inquisitions  among  which  I  had 
been  so  long.  It  reminded  me  of  the  free,  untiring  America — of 
Home !  I  was  coming  out  into  the  day  once  more,  and  joining  in 
the  great  currents  of  life,  where  these  dark  deeds  of  violence  could 
not  so  easily  be  done. 

But  I  was  not  by  any  means  free  yet,  and  despite  all  the  confu- 
sion, the  Hussar,  or  the  thin,  needy-looking  Notary  with  him,  kept 
continual  watch  over  me  while  in  the  cars. 

It  was  really  very  singular,  on  that  day,  how  many  of  •  my 
acquaintances  were  travelling.  Every  carriage  on  the  railroad  had 
some  whom  I  knew.  And  though  I  was  strictly  watched  by  my 
escort,  I  contrived  to  spread  it  through  all,  that  I  was  on  the  point  of 
being  liberated. 

Our  Notary  took  occasion  in  private  to  express  his  sympathy 
with  my  case,  and  his  hopes  of  what  it  would  show  of  the  Austrian 
system.  I  thought,  from  his  whole  manner,  he  was  trying  to 
"pump"  me ;  and  I  answered  in  a  general  abuse  of  the  Austrian 
Court  in  Gros  Wardein,  which  I  shall  be  very  glad  if  he  carries  back 
faithfully  to  his  employers,  as,  from  all  I  have  since  heard,  he  was 
probably  a  spy  upon  me. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851  343 

I  Lad  a  great  advantage  over  my  Hussar,  as  his  instructions  were 
a  little  indefiuite.  He  was  confused,  too,  by  the  bustle  of  the  rail- 
toad,  and  I  mauaged  to  take  some  liberties,  which  would  doubtless 
have  not  been  agreeable  to  his  officers  in  the  Fortress.  There  was 
a  family  in  another  car,  which  I  had  visited  when  in  Inner  Hun- 
gary, and  I  contrived  to  go  in,  introduce  the  Hussar  to  some  pretty 
young  ladies,  and  convey  all  the  facts  I  desired,  without  the  old  sol- 
dier really  knowing  exactly  what  had  been  done.  Without  in  the 
least  deceiving  the  man,  too,  I  arranged  it  so,  that  he  went  directly 
to  the  Hotel,  where  I  would  very  probably  meet  friends.  And  sure, 
enough,  we  had  scarcely  entered  it,  when  there  was  a  friend  by  my 
side.  "  Damn  them  /"  was  his  first  salutation,  in  very  hearty,  pure 
English  and  under-tone.  I  grasped  his  hand  warmly,  and  before  the 
Hussar  had  well  recovered  from  the  din  of  waiters  and  hack-drivers, 
I  had  told  in  English  the  principal  facts  in  my  case. 

After  we  reached  our  room,  another  gentleman  came  in  acciden- 
tally, and  soon  fell  almost  unconsciously  into  an  English  conversation 
— how  McCurdy  had  alarmed  the  Court  by  his  demands — how 
deeply  anxious  my  friends  had  been,  and  how  there  was  a  rumor 
of  two  American  ships  of  War  in  Trieste — how  Telegraphic  Orders 
had  been  at  once  received  here  to  get  rid  of  me  as  soon  as 
possible. 

"  Meine  BTerrn,  sprechen  Sie  Deutsch  /" — "  Gentlemen  !  Speak 
German  !"  came  forth  in  deep  voice  from  the  old  soldier,  in  the 
midst  of  our  smooth  conversation.  I  had  no  inclination  to  deceive 
the  man,  and  had  thus  far  dealt  openly  by  him,  and  liked  his  open 
way  with  me,  so  T  told  my  friend  to  speak  away.  He  continued, 
but  it  was  astonishing  how  diplomatic  and  vague  it  all  became,  as 
saon  as  he  had  the  Austrian  soldier  for  a  listener.  As  he  went  out, 
the    Hussar    apologized    in    a    manly   way   for   his   interruption.     I 


344  TOLITENESS. 

then  made  the  attempt  to  write  a  letter,  but  the  Hussar  informed 
me  that  he  was  instructed  to  forbid  that.  And  it  appears  that,  in 
general,  he  had  even  stricter  orders  about  me  than  he  had  executed. 
Finding  this  was  the  state  of  things,  I  insisted  on  going  at  once  to 
the  Commissary  of  Police. 

There  I  had  another  specimen  of  this  unequalled,  skilful,  diplo- 
matic politeness  of  the  Austrian  police — a  kind  of  politeness  which 
carries  the  point  before  one  thinks  of  it,  and  quite  makes  it  impos- 
sible for  one  to  ask  downright  questions,  and  befogs  one  utterly. 

"  Oh,  sir,"  said  the  Clerk,  "  we  regret  that  we  cannot  give  you 
better  quarters ;  we  are  only  travellers  ourselves,  now — one  day  in 
Vienna,  and  another  in  Pesth  !  But  the  hotels  are  so  shockingly 
dear  now,  that  it  will  please  you  far  better — and  then  they  are  so 
dirty !" 

"  But  am  I  at  liberty,  Sir  ?" 

"  Oh,  Sir,  we  cannot  lay  down  positive  restrictions.  We  advise 
you  not  to  visit  your  friends  till  your  case  is  decided  ;  and,  as  you 
may  at  any  time  be  summoned,  we  recommend  you  to  be  near  by. 
We  leave  it  entirely  to  your  honor.  And  I  assure  you  we  do  ex- 
tremely regret  the  mistake  which  has  occurred,"  &c,  &c. 

All  said  in  the  blandest,  sweetest  manner,  and  I  go  to  my  quar- 
ters, conscious  that  something  has  been  left  to  my  honor,  and 
utterly  uncertain  how  much  I  have  pledged  myself  to,  and  what  I 
am  to  do. 

In  Gros  Wardein,  there  had  been  no  question  of  honor,  and  I  had 
taken  every  allowable  advantage.  But  here,  for  a  day  or  more,  I 
was  a  closer  prisoner  in  the  house  of  $e  Commissary,  than  I  had 
been  in  the  fortress.  However,  at  length,  I  succeeded  in  getting  an 
audience  with  the  Chief,  and  requiring  a  distinct  answer  as  to  my 
position,  and  after  this  T  went  about  free,  on  my  parole,  and  returned 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  345 

to  the  house  in  the  evening.  I  also  asked  about  the  long  delay  of 
my  release.  lie  employed  the  usual  befogging-  expressions ; — "  Die 
Verhaltmsse — die  Umstande"  <fcc,  &c.  "  The  circumstances,  Sir, 
the  arrangements,  the  forms  of  law,  the  going  to  the  Auditor  and 
the  General,"  <fcc,  <fcc, 

I  could  make  nothing  of  it,  and  told  him  so..  "  It  was  remark- 
able, I  thought,  that  the  Court  in  Gros  Wardein  could  have  hung 
me  at  once,  but  could  not  free  me.  I  must  be  sent  to  Pesth  for 
that!  And  the  arrest  was  within  six  hours  after  the  suspicion,  but 
it  needed  six  weeks  for  the  acquittal  !" 

He  shrugged  his  shoulders,  and  remarked  on  the  peculiarity  of 
the  forms  of  law  in  Austria,  &c. 

The  truth  was,  as  he  well  knew,  the  whole  matter  was  inten- 
tional ;  and  the  only  thing  I  had  to  congratulate  myself  on,  was, 
that  I  was  freed  at  all. 

As  I  was  waiting  in  the  Commissary's  office,  that  day,  I  happened 
to  take  up  a  foreign  paper — and  observing  something  marked,  read 
the  passage.  It  proved  to  be  information  respecting  the  Hungarian 
Exiles. 

On  looking  further,  I  found  the  whole  table  covered  with  foreign 
Journals,  from  almost  every  country,  containing  similar  little  items 
of  news. 

It  may  be  imagined  with  what  eagerness  I  hurried  out  to  see  my 
friends — the  generous  and  true-hearted  men  who  had  been  risking 
and  working  so  much  for  me.  They  all  welcomed  me,  almost  as 
returning  from  the  grave.  I  found  that  they  had  indeed  done 
everything — telegraphed  to  Vienna,  sent  men  and  letters  wherever 
help  could  be  gained ;  notice  had  even  been  forwarded  by  them  to 
Berlin,  to  Mr.  Barnard,  our  Minister,  and  he  had,  with  great  friend- 


346  ORDERS    FROM    VIENNA. 

liness,  presented   a  most  thorough  and  efficient  statement  to  the 
Austrian  Ministry  as  to  my  objects  and  character.    ^ 

What  they  had  most  feared — from  a  knowledge  of  these  Courts 
— was  some  sudden  violence,  before  the  facts  could  get  abroad — and 
then,  afterwards,  either  a  presenting  of  false  evidence,  or  an  utter 
disavowal  of  the  whole  affair. 

They  had  all  been  examined  closely,  and  as  some  of  them  were 
strong  friends  of  the  Government,  their  testimony  had  had  great 
effect. 

Though  I  saw,  they  all  had  the  impression  that  the  examination 
was  merely  formal,  and  that  the  Authorities  in  Hungary  were  only 
acting  under  instructions,  without  any  suspicions  of  their  own. 

The  Order  for  my  arrest  appears  to  have  come  from  Vienna  to 
Field  Marshal  Lederer — and  then  was  transmitted  to  General 
Bratjnhof  in  Gros  Wardein — where  the  warrant  was  issued.  So 
I  learned  from  a  prominent  gentleman,  the  son-in-law  of 
Lederer. 

No  one  could  explain  it  in  Pesth,  otherwise  than  as  a  reprisal 
for  American  sympathy  for  Hungary,  or  as  the  usual  Austrian  sus- 
picion of  an  American. 

I  think  no  one  supposed  the  suspicion  arose  from  any  proceedings 
of  mine  within  Hungary — as  indeed  all  the  testimony  of  my 
acquaintances  on  the  trial  showed.  My  most  suspicious  acts  in  the 
country,  the  visits  in  certain  disaffected  villages,  were  entirely  un- 
known to  the  Austrian  Court,  and  nothing  whatever  was  said  of 
them. 

The  first  news  of  my  imprisonment  was  carried  by  an  English 
traveller  to  Vienna.  He  was  designing  to  spend  some  time  in 
Hungary,  but  as  soon  as  my  friends  told  him  of  my  danger,  he  said 
he  would  go  on  immediately,  and  apply  to  the  English  and  Ameri- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  347 

can  embassies — "  it  concerned  him  as  much  as  me,"  he  said — "  No 
Englishman  or  American  could  be  safe,  where  such  acts  were 
done !"  And  with  real  English  heartiness  he  did  not  leave  Vienna 
until  Mr.  McCurdy  was  thoroughly  informed  of  the  facts.  I  do  not 
know  him — and  1  have  never  been  able  to  meet  him,  but  if  these 
hues  ever  meet  his  eye,  let  him  accept  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the 
man  whom  he  aided  so  manfully  and  truly  in  his  time  of  utmost 
need. 

As  soon  as  I  could,  with  several  of  my  friends  in  company,  I 
walked  out  to  the  house  of  an  English  missionary,  Mr.  "W.,*  living 
without  the  town ;  a  gentleman  who  had  been  most  active  in  his 
efforts  for  my  liberation.  They  tried  to  disguise  me,  in  order  to 
prepare  a  surprise  for  him,  but  he  recognized  me  at  once  from  a 
distance,  and  hailed  me  as  "  The  Emissary,"  and  hastening  to  meet 
us,  forgetting  his  English  coldness,  he  threw  his  arms  around  my 
neck,  as  if  I  had  been  his  son.  At  the  house,  on  the  balcony,  we  found 
a  real  English  tea-table,  spread  with  bread  and  butter  and  tea,  in 
home  style,  and  a  lady  was  there  to  welcome  us  in  English.  How 
shall  I  ever  forget  that  evening,  so  rich  in  deep,  happy  feelings  ! 
The  scene  was  one  never  to  be  forgotten.  The  sun  was  just  setting, 
and  the  rich  rays  poured  down  into  the  whole  valley  of  the  Danube, 
which  lay  at  our  feet,  gilding  with  glowing  light  the  fine  buildings 
of  Pesth,  and  the  summit  of  the  old  fortress  of  Ofen,  while  it  left 
the  side  toward  us  in  dark  shadow.  The  colore  changed  each 
instant  on  the  clouds  above,  becoming  more  and  more  gorgeous. 
And  as  the  sun  went  down  behind  the  Ofencr  mountains,  there 
seemed  to  be  almost  endless  vistas  of  splendid  coloring  opening  be- 
yond. 

We  all  felt  the  scene  with  an  awe  and  happiness  not  to  bo  spoken 
•  One  of  the  Missionaries  just  banished  by  the  Austrian  Government. 


348  TEA-TABLE. 

in  words.  And  as  the  old  missionary  called  us  to  the  table,  and 
uncovering  his  gray  locks,  thanked  Him  who  had  made  all  this,  for 
His  goodness,  and  that  He  had  brought  their  friend  back  again  from 
danger  and  suffering,  I  joined  with  a  thankfulness  not  to  be 
described.  And  as  he  prayed  for  "  the  unhappy  land,"  and  that 
"  the  ends  of  justice  might  everywhere  be  furthered,"  I  resolved 
inwardly  that,  God  willing,  my  efforts  should  never  fail,  while  I  had 
strength  to  give  them,  for  the  oppressed  in  any  land. 

How  much  had  we  to  say  that  evening.  How  they  described 
their  efforts  for  me,  and  I  talked  of  the  prison  and  the  prisoners. 
I  had  been  speaking  German  so  long  that  in  my  excitement  my 
words  came  forth  broken,  until  Mr.  and  Mrs.  W.  must  have  ac- 
quired a  singular  impression  of  the  English  spoken  in  America. 
"We  were  all  too  much  interested  to  eat,  but  the  tea,  as  we  after- 
wards observed,  had  disappeared  in  a  manner  which  must  have  been 
peculiarly  alarming  to  Mrs.  W. 

On  one  of  my  last  days  in  Hungary,  several  of  my  friends  among 
the  clergymen  invited  me  to  an  excursion  to  a  beautiful  mountain 
in.  the  neighborhood  of  Pesth.  And  as  we  had  a  little  specimen 
there  of  Austrian  police  again,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  speak  par- 
ticularly of  it.  The  mountain  must  be  distant  some  four  miles  from 
Pesth.  In  a  pleasant  dell  upon  it,  yet  with  a  fine  outlook  over  the 
valley  of  the  Danube,  is  a  very  neat  and  quiet  hotel.  Here  we  all 
went  to  dinner.  We  sat  long  at  the  table,  according  to  the  Hun- 
garian custom,  and  at  length  began  to  be  conscious  of  the  very  long- 
continued  presence  of  a  gentleman  at  the  next  table.  He  was  only 
drinking-  his  "  black  coffee,"  yet  we  remembered  he  had  been  there 
nearly  an  hour,  and  just  where  he  could  comfortably  hear  our  whole 
conversation.     Our  dinner  lasted  some  time  yet,  and  still  sat  the 


HUNGARY    IN     1851.  349 

gentleman  there.  We  hinted  at "  spies."  We  spoke  of  "  listening." 
But  the  coffee-drinker  did  not  stir.  At  last  we  all  left  our  table, 
and  took  our  coffee  at  a  table  in  another  room,  and  called  the  waiter, 
and  asked  him  who  the  man  was  who  had  sat  near  us  so  long. 
He  shrugged  his  shoulders  and  replied  in  skilful  waiter-style,  that 
"  He  could  not  know  the  names  of  all  the  gentlemen  who  came 
there  !"  We  called  the  landlord,  then,  and  he  gave  a  singular 
shrug  at  our  questions,  and  said  very  cautiously,  "  A  government 
official  from  Ofen!" 

"  Certainly  a  spy  P  said  I. 

"  Very  probably,"  said  he,  and  turned  away  as  if  it  were  a  dan- 
gerous subject.  I  must  confess  if  the  coffee- drinker  had  still  been 
visible  anywhere,  he  would  have  had  a  little  specimen  of  American 
indignation  at  sueh  contemptible  meanness.  My  companions  were 
quite  used  to  it,  and  I  ought  to  have  been,  but  it  takes  long  to  com- 
pletely accustom  oneself  to  a  system  of  such  incredible  falseness  and 
villany.  Luckily  for  us,  our  conversation  had  been  upon  no  "  dan- 
gerous subjects." 

However,  over  these  pleasant  meetings  and  this  friendly  converse 
I  must  hasten  to  detail  my  last  experience  with  the  Austrian  police. 
I  appeared  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  before  the  Court  in  Pesth,  in 
the  Neugehaude,  (the  States-prison,)  was  told  by  the  Auditor  that 
nothing  was  found  against  me,  and  the  usual  regrets  were  expressed 
and  hopes  that  I  would  revisit  Hungary  in  a  more  favorable  season. 
I  had  the  opportunity,  too,  to  correct  an  ingenious  little  "mistake" 
of  the  Gros  Wardein  Auditor,  by  which  in  the  report  of  the  testi- 
mony, I  was  made  to  say  that  I  "had  had  more  sympathy  than 
the  rest  of  my  countrymen," — instead  of  the  same  sympathy  as  the 
rest  of  my  countrymen — "  for  the  Hungarian  Cause  ;"  then  with  tho 


350  TO  VIENNA  AGAIN. 

assurance  from  the  Commissary  that  I  was  entirely  free,  I  started 
with  my  own  passport  for  Vienna. 

The  offensive  books  were  forwarded  by  post,  and  would  be  re- 
turned me  in  the  city,  the  Commissary  said,  as  they  were  probably 
not  forbidden  there. 


CHAPTER    XXXIX. 


THE    VIENNESE    POLICE. 


My  first  steps,  naturally,  after  reaching  Vienna,  were  to  the  Post 
Office,  where  was  a  huge  packet  of  letters  from  home,  which  the 
Police,  to  my  great  surprise,  had  utterly  neglected. 

Two  weeks  ago  behind  iron  bars — hopeless — a  convict — now  free 
again,  in  the  midst  of  home-life !  I  could  hardly  realize  it.  Yet  I 
thought  it  would  be  safer  for  me  to  abridge  my  enjoyment,  and  see 
Mr.  McCurdy  as  soon  as  possible,  or  I  might  fall  into  the  hands  of 
another  of  their  Courts,  and  nobody  be  the  wiser  for  it. 

I  need  not  say,  that  my  meeting  with  Mr.  McCurdy  was  most 
joyful.  We  had  of  course  much  to  review  and  examine  in  the  case. 
When  this  correspondence  is  finally  published,  T  am  very  much 
mistaken  if  Mr.  McCurdy's  notes,  so  spirited  and  vigorous,  do  not 
contrast  very  favorably  with  the  long-winded,  indefinite  epistles  of 
the  Austrians.  They  are  words  strong  and  direct,  and  are  worthy 
of  a  representative  of  America. 

That  I  owe  everything  to  him,  in  this  affair,  1  need  not  say.  If 
he  had  not  been  a  genuine  man,  and  had  not  dared  to  address  the 
Austrian  Gtebinet  as  the  representative  of  the  United  States,  should 


352  MR.  McCURDY, 

address  it,  I  should  nave  been  still  in  Austrian  dungeons,  or  have  been 
shot  before  now,  as  a  spy. 

The  great  point  they  appear  to  have  made  in  reply  to  Mr. 
McCurdy's  demands  for  my  release,  or  for  at  least  my  trial  in 
Vienna,  was  that  the  Courts  of  Hungary  were  independent  of  the 
Ministry — and,  though  they  might  be  convinced  of  my  innocence, 
"  they  must  wait  for  the  due  course  of  Law." 

A  .most  manifestly  absurd  argument  in  a  country,  governed 
arbitrarily  under  martial-law,  by  soldiers  stationed  there  by  the 
Ministry — and  one  still  farther  shown  to  be  untenable,  by  their 
releasing  in  October  an  American,  imprisoned  in  Hungary,  at  once 
on  the  demand  of  our  minister,  without  any  "  due  course  of  Law." 

However,  it  is  probable,  all  demands  for  my  release  might  have 
been  ineffectual,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  accidental  presence  of  two 
American  ships  of  war  in  Trieste,  just  at  the  time  of  this  correspon- 
dence— an  entirely  chance-event,  but  which  gave  a  peculiar  edge  to 
Mr.  McCurdy's  words. 

It  appeared,  by  the  way,  that  all  my  letters,  carried  out  by  the 
released  prisoner,  had  reached  McCurdy  and  the  others — though 
after  much  delay. 

I  had  hardly  returned  from  my  visit,  when  I  found  an  order  on 
my  table  to  appear  before  the  Police.  I  went,  at  the  hour 
mentioned,  to  the  Bureau,  and  was  met  by  the  Director  in  his  usual 
half-sneaking  manner — he  never  looks  a  man  directly  in  the  face — 
and  told  that  UI  must  leave  the  Austrian  territory  in  three  days  /" 

"  Why  ?  What  does  this  mean  ?"  said  I,  "  I  have  been  acquitted 
of  all  charges  against  me.     Why  is  this  ?" 

"  You  could  not  have  been  imprisoned  four  weeks  in  Gros  War- 
dem,"  ne  replied,  "  without  being  in  some  way  guilty  /" 

"  Sir,"  said  I,  "  the  courts  in  Gros  Wardein   and  in    Pesth  have 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  353 

both  adjudged  me  innocent  of  the  accusation.  If  I  had  been  guilty 
I  have  certainly  been  punished  sufficiently  ;  and  if  not,  I  expected 
a  different  treatment  from  this  !" 

He  replied,  with  some  abuse,  about  my  interfering  in  politics,  and 
8  Americans  spreading  their  sentiments,"  and  was  getting  fast  into 
some  rather  insulting  remarks,  when  I  interrupted  him  by  telling 
him  that  I  would  have  nothing  further  to  say  in  the  matter  with 
him  ;  he  must  speak  on  his  own  business.  "  Will  you  take  the 
responsibility  of  this  order  ?  You  are  aware  it  will  embitter  the 
feelings  of  Americans  exceedingly — such  an  unprovoked  persecution 
of  an  American  citizen  !"  He  cared  nothing  about  that  he  said  ;  he 
had  orders  from  above.  Still,  I  could  lay  the  matter  before  our 
Ambassador. 

Accordingly  I  went  immediately  to  Mr.  McCurdy,  and  he  wrote 
one  of  his  brief,  pointed  notes,  to  the  Ministry,  stating  that  I  had 
returned  here,  acquitted  of  the  charges,  and  expecting  at  least 
courtesy  after  such  a  treatment,  and  inquiring  "  if  anything  new  had 
occurred  to  cause  this  order,  or  whether  it  was  a  part  of  the  previous 
proceedings." 

This  was  somewhat  of  a  dilemma  for  them,  and  they  dropped  the 
matter,  and  I  remained  in  Vienna. 

I  had  no  permission  to  remain,  and  I  knew  I  was  everywhere  a 
suspected  man — the  more  dangerous,  because  I  had  been  unjustly 
treated  by  their  Courts.  Yet  I  walked  around,  feeling  that  the 
strong  arm  of  the  United  States  was  around  me.  Still,  very  grand 
and  consoling  as  the  feeling  is,  it  becomes  rather  uncomfortable  when 
it  is  continued  too  long.  One  has  a  sensation  as  of  walking  around  in 
a  highly  gallant  manner  among  pit-falls.  It  seemed  to  me  every 
man  I  m<-t  knew  T  had  been  a  convict;  and  that  every  gendarme 
eyed  me  longingly,  as  if  he  should  soon  have  his  warrant  for  me — 


354  ACQUAINTANCES. 

Besides  I  could  see  in  reality  that  each  step  of  mine  was  watched, 
and  I  began  to  grow  tired  of  such  unceasing  paternal  attention  from 
the  Viennese  authorities.  A  vague  fear,  too,  never  left  me  that  I 
had  not  seen  the  end  of  this — that  I  should  never  entirely  escape ! 

Mr.  McCurdy  used  to  congratulate  me  every  morning  when  he 
met  me,  that  "  my  head  was  still  safe  where  it  should  be !" 

During  this  time  came  the  sentence,  dated  the  day  before  I  left 
Pesth,  though  obviously  hashed  up  since,  to  the  effect  that  I  was 
acquitted  of  the  charges,  but,  on  account  of  my  expression,  at  the 
end  of  my  trial,  of  previous  sympathy  with  the  Hungarian  party, 
and  the  "  not  unfounded  suspicion  that  I  still  cherished  it,"  I  was 
banished  from  Hungary  ! 

I  found  that  all  my  acquaintances  in  Vienna  had  been  examined 
before  the  Police  Courts,  as  to  my  objects  and  character — and  it 
appeared,  that  the  testimony  of  some  and  the  personal  efforts  of 
others,  had  much  aided  me.  As  they  were  mostly  friends  of  the 
Government,  I  had  not  the  heart  to  see  them,  even  to  thank  them. 
I  may  be  permitted  here,  however,  to  express  my  thanks  for  the  very 
generous  efforts  made  for  me  by  Count  Thun — the  brother  of  the 
Minister  of  Instruction — and  I  do  it  the  more  readily,  as  his  well 
known  loyalty  to  the  Government  places  him  far  above  all  ill  effects 
from  his  acquaintance  with  an  American  traveller. 

My  few  liberal  acquaintances  I  feared  to  compromise,  by  visiting, 
and  only  allowed  myself  to  call  upon  one  gentleman  in  the  late 
evening.  He  received  me,  as  if  from  the  dead — turned  pale,  led 
me  hurriedly  through  half  a  dozen  rooms,  into  a  boudoir,  double- 
locked  the  door,  listened  at  the  key-hole,  embraced  me  and  then 
demanded  an  account  of  my  affair.  I  gave  it  in  full,  he  interlard- 
ing it  every  now  and  then  with  "  Ach  Gott !  Schrecklich  !  (Hor- 


HUNGARY   IN    1851.  355 

rible),"  and  "  Schandlick  !  (shameful !)"  &c,  &c.     Occasionally  too, 
shaking  my  hand  to  assure  himself  of  my  identity. 

One  American  friend,  resident  in  Vienna,  had  been  summoned 
before  the  Court,  and  questioned  about  me — and  then  was  obliged    . 
to  leave  all  his  papers  to  be  examined. 

He  found  afterwards  that  a  lon^  and  valued  letter  had  been  de- 
tained,  and  could  not,  at  first,  imagine  the  reason,  until  he  recalled 
that  it  contained  some  excellent  advice  from  a  politician  in  America, 
not  to  mingle  himself  with  political  life,  either  with  Whigs  or  Dem- 
ocrats, but  to  keep  separate  from  cliques  and  parties,  and  follow  his 
profession  (the  law,)  without  entangling  himself  in  political  man- 
oeuvring, especially  among  "  the  Democrats."  All  which,  probably, 
the  Austrian  Inquisitors  interpreted,  as  a  device  to  keep  out  of  Rev- 
olutionary intrigues,  and  "  Democratic "  (in  the  European  sense,) 
conspiracies — and  retained  to  use  as  evidence  agaiust  him,  here- 
after. 

Our  American  friends  in  writing  within  Austria,  must  never  lose 
sight  of  the  "  double  interpretation,"  so  skilfully  used  now  by  the 
Austrian  Courts. 

After  holding  this  out  eight  days,  I  concluded  to  bid  "  good-bye," 
for  aye  to  Austria,  provided  the  police  would  let  me  go. 

I  applied  accordingly  for  a  vise  to  Munich — as  the  Director  had 
said  I  could  be  "  allowed  in  no  case  to  go  to  Italy."  The  Director 
was  bland  and  cringing  as  he  had  before  been  insulting ;  "  regretted 
extremely  the  occurrence  " — "  there  would  be  no  farther  difficul- 
ties"— he  would  give  me  a  u  Receipt,"  (Schein,)  and  I  could  present 
that  in  Linz,  and  would  then  receive  my  Passport  and  the  forbidden 
books,  (viz.,  the  Ilistory  of  the  War,  and  the  pamphlet  on  the  Hun- 
garian Revolution — those  terrible  things  !)  I  saw  at  once  his  object, 
to  keep  me  under  Police-inspection  on  the  Danube,  and  perhaps 


356  POLICE-DIRECTOR. 

there,  when  away  from  the  immediate  aid  of  the  Embassy,  to  expose 
me  to  farther  violence. 

"  Sir,"  said  I,  "  why  is  this  ?"  Why  am  I  not  treated  like  other 
travellers  ?     Why  do  I  not  have  my  own  passport  ?" 

"  Oh,  that  is  nothing  !  We  give  travellers  frequently  these 
Receipts.  You  have  been  arrested  in  Hungary.  It  is  our  cus- 
tom," &c. 

I  inquired  whether  it  was  always  the  Austrian  "  custom"  to  treat 
innocent  men  as  if  they  were  guilty — and  whether  I  was  still  under 
suspicion  ? 

"  Oh,  no — under  no  suspicion,  sir !  I  assure  you,  not.  The 
order  for  your  leaving  the  Empire  has  only  been  suspended  at  the 
interposition  of  your  Ambassador.     It  is  still  over  you." 

I  asked,  then,  whether  this  would  expose  me  to  delay  or  farther 
difficulties — whether  I  would  be  free  in  Linz  ?  His  promises  were 
most  friendly  and  full,  of  no  kind  of  further  difficulties  ;  they  all 
regretted  the  past ;  I  would  have  my  own  passport  there,  and  could 
travel  as  I  chose,  &c,  &c. 

I  did  not  have  the  slightest  confidence  in  his  fine  words,  but  I 
saw  there  was  nothing  to  be  done,  and  took  the  Schein,  and  wished 
him  "  Good  morning."  He  accompanied  me  through  several 
apartments,  and  bowed  me  out  in  his  blandest  manner. 

I  made  my  parting  visits,  arranged  everything  with  Mr. 
McCurdy,  so  that  he  would  know,  at  once,  if  anything  of  a  serious 
nature  happened  to  me  on  the  Danube,  and  started  off  the  next 
morning  in  the  steamboat  with  .a  fear  of  secret,  sudden  violence, 
which  never  left  me  while  under  the  power  of  the  Austrian  police. 
At  Linz,  I  was  obliged  to  wait  a  day  for  my  passport,  and  there,  of 
course,  was  brought  under  the  annoying  police  inspection  again. 
On  calling  for  the  third  time,  in  the  evening,  at  the  Bureau,  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  357 

local  director  handed  me  my  books,  and  I  gave  a  receipt.  After 
this,  he  asked  me  what  route  I  preferred  to  Munich  \  I  told  him  I 
thought  of  going  by  Salzburg  and  the  Salzkammergut,  which  is  a 
very  beautiful  route,  and  the  one  commonly  taken  by  travellers  for 
pleasure  in  going  to  Munich.  lie  replied  that  I  would  find  the 
route  by  Ratisbon  much  the  pleasantest,  and  the  most  direct  He 
would  viser  my  pass  at  once  for  Ratisbon,  and  everything  would  be 
arranged,  and  I  could  travel  off  the  next  morning ! 

"  What  do  you  mean,  sir  I"  said  I,  "  speak  out  plainly.  Have 
you  orders  from  Vienna  or  not,  that  I  must  not  go  by  Salzburg  ?" 

He  thought,  with  my  plans,  the  other  route  would  undoubtedly 
bo  much  pleasanter  and  more  suitable. 

"  I  have  had  enough  of  this,"  said  I.  "  I  am  the  best  judge  of 
my  route — Am  I  sent  out  of  the  Austrian  Dominions,  or  not  ?" 

He  regretted  he  knew  nothing  of  the  case,  but  his  instructions 
were  to  forward  me  by  the  shortest  and  quickest  way  out  of  Austria, 
and  that  was  by  Ratisbon !  Accordingly  another  receipt  was 
given  me,  and  my  passport  was  handed  to  a  military  officer,  with 
instructions  to  deliver  it  to  me  when  I  entered  the  boat  for  Ratis- 
bon. "  But  why,"  said  I,  "  these  petty  annoyances !  Why  cannot 
you  trust  my  honor,  that  I  will  go  to  Ratisbon,  if  I  am  so  ordered  ?" 
He  had  "  the  most  implicit  trust  in  my  honor."  but  that  was  their 
custom.  I  would  hand  the  Schein  to  the  officer,  and  receive  my 
pass,  and  there  would  be  no  difficulty ;  "  good  evening,  sir !"  and  I 
went  away,  remembering  the  Jesuitical  promises  of  the  Vienna 
Director,  and  thanking  God  that  I  was  fast  escaping  from  an 
administration  of  such  consummate  meanness  and  falser 

The  next  day  I  went  on  board  the  boat,  received  my  pass,  and 
began  to  hope  I  was  escaping  all  farther  difficulties.  I  took  my 
seat  in  the  cabin,  as  it  was  raining  hard,  and  was  amusing  myself 


358  FAREWELL  TO  AUSTRIA. 

with  observing  the  various  passengers  who  collect  on  a  Danube 
boat,  when  I  became  gradually  conscious  that  a  man  on  the  opposite 
side  was  watching  me  closely.  He  sat  somewhat  retired  in  a 
corner,  but  yet  his  eyes  would  find  their  way,  all  the  while,  towards 
me,  though  when  I  looked  at  him,  he  appeared  occupied  in  some- 
thing else.  He  was  dressed  in  a  half-military  green  suit,  and  I  con- 
cluded, was  very  probably  some  agent  of  the  Police.  I  resolved  to 
be  on  my  guard  towards  him. 

When  we  reached  the  Station,  on  the  Austrian  frontier,  I  jumped 
ashore  to  get  something  to  eat,  and  bad  not  made  a  dozen  steps, 
when  I  felt  some  one  touch  me  on  the  shoulder.  I  turned  and  saw 
what  I  had  fully  expected — my  man  in  the  green  suit.  I  had 
become,  by  this  time,  quite  used  to  these  gentry — and  demanded 
abruptly — "  What  he  wanted" — "  You  will  come  with  me  to  the 
Police  Office." 

"  Why  /—Who  are  you  ?" 

The  Captain  of  the  boat  came  up  at  this  moment,  and  explained 
that  the  gentleman  was  an  "  agent"  from  Vienna,  and  we  all  went 
together  to  the  office. 

The  Commissary  asked  me  why  I  was  there.  "  I  am  an  Ameri- 
■  can  and  a  Republican !"  said  I.  "  That  is  reason  enough.  Sus- 
picion !  suspicion  is  the  rule  in  Austria !"  He  shrugged  his  shoul- 
ders, took  down  a  minute  description  of  me,  vised  the  passport, 
wished  us  "  Good  morning,"  and  I  was  handed  over  into  Bavaria  ! 

I  returned  to  the  boat,  and,  in  a  few  minutes,  with  a  feeling  of 
relief  and  security,  which  I  had  not  had  for  months  before,  saw  the 
well-known  monument  which  marks  the  Austrian  borders  grow  dim 
in  the  distance. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

The  Austrian  Policy  in  Hungary  since  the  Revolution. 

As  far  as  I  have  observed,  very  little  has  yet  gone  abroad  in 
Europe  of  the  internal  Austrian  administration  in  Hungary.  The 
police  are  careful  how  they  admit  strangers,  and  only  those  enter 
who  are  known  as  friends  of  the  Government.  Indeed,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  one  of  the  motives  for  their  proceedings  aerainst  me.  was 
the  desire  of  holding  forth  a  warning  to  all  future  inquisitive 
travellers. 

I  design  in  the  present  chapter,  to  write  a  brief  account  of  the 
Austrian  policy  toward  that  country,  since  the  Revolution;  and  I 
hope,  despite  the  treatment  which  I  have  received,  to  give  a  candid 
and  faithful  picture. 

Tt  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Austrian  Ministry,  in  entering  on  the 
office  of  governing  Hungary,  after  the  war,  bad  one  of  the  most 
difficult  tasks  ever  placed  before  statesmen.  There  was  a  conquered 
country  in  their  hands,  which  must  be  managed  as  a  Province  of 
the  Empire.  There  was  a  land  which  they  had  just  won  with  the 
sword,  but  which  must  be  gained  over  to  them  again  by  kind  treat- 
ment 


360  BLUNDERING. 

Of  course,  any  judicious  Austrian  statesman  would  see  that  merely 
to  crush  the  nation,  to  grind  and  squeeze  every  possible  penny  from 
them,  though  profitable  now  to  the  Empire,  would  be  very  useless  in 
future.  It  might  lessen  the  State  debt,  but  it  would  lay  up  bitter 
feelings,  discontents,  distrust,  which  could  hereafter  burst  forth  fear- 
fully. The  problem  before  them,  as  Austrians,  was  to  incorporate 
Hungary  in  the  Empire,  and  at  the  same  time  to  render  it  well- 
disposed  to  the  Government.  It  could  not  be  extinguished,  and 
therefore  must  be  carefully  governed. 

A  difficult  problem,  plainly,  for  men  of  the  purest  intentions  and 
the  best  judgments.  I  make  no  doubt,  however,  the  thing  could 
have  been  done  in  an  early  period  after  the  Revolution.  That  the 
Austrian  Ministry,  however,  have  failed,  signally,  egregiously  failed, 
will  be  evident,  as  I  produce  the  facts  which  came  under  my  obser- 
vation. Such  a  stupid,  dogged,  brutal  way  of  proceeding,  as  if  a 
nation  of  fifteen  millions  of  gallant,  generous  men  could  be  crushed, 
and  drilled,  and  moulded  like  a  regiment  of  their  Bohemian  boors,  is 
almost  without  a  parallel  in  European  misgovernment.  One  can 
hardly  understand  such  a  disregard  of  their  own  interests.  It  often 
seemed  to  me  in  Hungary,  really,  as  if  Providence  had  blinded  the 
eyes  of  the  Government  to  their  own  best  policy. 

It  might  be  supposed,  that  as  Republicans,  we  would  rejoice  at 
such  blundering.  For  it  is  evident  that  there  can  be  no  surer  way 
of  forcing  Hungary  into  another  outbreak  than  such  a  policy.  But 
every  man  knows  how  fearful  is  the  price  of  liberty  won  by  a  Re- 
volution. If  Liberty,  if  Justice,  could  be  gained  for  Hungary  with- 
out the  terrible  storm  of  war  and  contest,  by  gradual,  gentle, 
rational  means,  I  for  one  should  prefer  it. 

As  I  said  before,  the  difficulty  before  the  Ministry  could  have 
been  met  at  an  early  period.     The  Hungarian  nation  are  remarkably 


HUNGARY    L\    1851.  oCl 

susceptible  to  generous  treatment.  They  are  not  a  race  given  to 
hidden  passions,  or  to  cherishing  hatred  and  revenge,  like  the 
Italians  or  the  Spaniards.  The  Hungarian  has  an  oj)en,  generous 
nature,  ready  indeed,  to  repel  a  wrong,  but  even  more  ready  to  ft i- 
give  it,  I  do  not  at  all  doubt,  that  a  generous,  great-hearted  act  of 
amnesty,  after  the  war  from  the  Austrian  Government,  accompanied, 
too,  with  some  evident  appreciation  of  the  valor  and  honor  of  the 
natiou,  woidd  have  completely  won  over  the  whole  country  for  a 
time.  Despite  the  bitterness  of  defeat,  despite  their  crushed  hopes 
and  the  deep  wounds  they  have  received,  I  believe  such  a  noble  act 
as  that,  would  have  called  forth  a  thrill  of  affection  and  loyalty,  such 
as  would  have  strengthened  the  Austrian  authority  more  thau  years 
of  fusillading  and  guillotining. 

The  Austrians,  however,  instead  of  this,  proceeded  in  a  brutal, 
savage  manner,  to  hanging  and  shooting. by  the  hundreds.  First 
came  the  scourging  by  Haynau,  and  while  that  poor  crazed  lady 
lives  in  Pesth,  who  still  raves  of  the  day  when  she  "  run  the  gaunt- 
let" half-naked,  of  two  lines  of  Haynau's  soldiers,  it  will  be  difficult 
to  make  the  first  specimens  of  Austrian  administration  fonrotten. 
Next  occurred  the  execution  of  the  generals  and  officers.  Of  course, 
it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Austrians,  with  their  view  of  the  Re- 
volution, would  sentence  the  leaders.  But  this  shootino-  of  thirteen 
Generals  in  a  batch,  as  if  they  were  so  many  buffaloes,  and  this 
hanging  of  every  man  of  prominence  they  could  get  hold  of,  was 
altogether  carrying  to  an  excess  their  rights,  even  taking  their  ow  li 
view  of  the  matter.  It  is  supposed  that  over  a  thousand  gentle- 
men of  station  and  character  died  in  Hungary  on  the  scaffold  or 
the  gallows  that  year,  under  Austrian  hands. 

Accompanying  this,  there  was  a  deception  and  double-dealing 
which  alienated  the  Hungarians  even  as  much  as  the  cruelty. 
16 


362  DECEPTION. 

There  seems  no  doubt,  that  before  the  surrender  at  Vilagos  many 
of  the  chief  Austrian  officers  pledged  their  honor  for  the  safety  of 
the  prominent  Hungarians.  Officers  have  told  me,  who  were  en- 
gaged in  the  affair  that,  at  the  time,  letters  to  this  effect  were  shown 
them — and,  on  the  promises  in  them,  they  had  induced  their  troops 
to  yield.  I  need  not  say  that  nothing  was  ever  heard  of  these 
promises  afterward.  Again,  at  Comorn,  the  stipulations  were  that 
all  within  the  fortress  should  be  placed  on  entire  liberty,  and  allowed 
if  they  chose,  to  leave  the  country.  The  conditions  were  held 
toward  the  officers,  but  by  an  ingenious  quibble,  the  soldiers  were 
excepted,  and  drafted  into  the  Imperial  army. 

All  this  mio;ht  have  been  borne  if  the  succeeding  Administration 
had  shown  itself  in  any  way  regardful  of  the  national  feelings.  The 
internal  Government  of  Hungary,  under  the  old  Constitution,  had 
been  a  very  effective  and  economical  Government — dating  many 
centuries  back — and  one  to  which  the  people  were  exceedingly 
attached.  I  have  already  sufficiently  described  it.  It  need  only  be 
mentioned  that  it  contained  in  every  part  those  peculiarities  which 
have  rendered  our  Constitution,  in  the  view  of  all  political  philoso- 
phers, so  effective,  and  which,  beyond  any  other  provisions,  have 
trained  us  hi  political  life.  I  refer  to  our  "  municipal "  representa- 
tive system — the  village  governing  itself,  and  being  represented  in 
the  District — the  District  in  the  State — the  State  in  .the  Union. 

The  whole  was  exceedingly  economical,  and  each  petty  Adminis- 
tration, of  course,  knew  exactly  the  objects  on  which  it  labored  and 
could  legislate  accordingly.  All  this,  hallowed  so  by  time,  and  so 
useful  in  itself,  the  Austrians  swept  away  at  a  stroke.  The  Judges 
were  dismissed,  and  foreign  soldiers  took  their  place.  The  District 
judges  were  changed  into  sleek  Commissioners  from  the  Crown,  who 
came  to  these  distant  villages  to  pick  as  much  as  possible  from  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  363 

poor  inhabitants.  The  Governors  and  Administrators  of  the  whole 
country  were  foreigners,  not  speaking  the  language,  and  knowing 
very  little  of  the  character  of  the  people.  Bohemians  and  Austriaus 
rilled,  and  fill  now,  all  the  high  places  of  the  land,  for  there  is 
scarcely  a  Hungarian,  of  the  most  "  Conservative "  school,  who  will 
accept  a  single  place  since  this  course  of  administration  has  begun, 
and  these  govern  the  nation  as  if  they  were  ruling  their  own  de- 
graded serfs.  Everything  is  brought  under  the  clock-work  poliee 
system  of  Austria,  and  instead  of  the  people  of  the  villages  manag- 
ing their  own  affairs,  they  are  all,  to  the  smallest  particular,  made 
dependent  on  the  military  authorities  of  Pesth,  or  the  Ministry  at 
Vienna. 

If  any  one  will  imagine  our  whole  system  of  internal  government, 
our  town  meetings,  our  County  Courts,  our  Common  Councils,  our 
elections,  our  trials  by  Jury,  our  State  Assemblies,  all  carried  away 
at  one  blast — and  a  horde  of  foreign  soldiers — as  alien  from  us  as 
the  Spaniards,  for  instance — suddenly  placed  over  us,  governing 
every  word  and  motion,  they  will  appreciate  precisely  the  situation 
of  Hungary  since  the  Revolution.  Such  a  thing  as  passe-portes,  or 
"  permits,"  to  move  here  or  stay  there,  to  own  a  fowling-piece,  or 
carry  a  sword,  had  never  been  heard  of  in  the  land.  The  new  code 
changed  all  that ;  and  now,  no  man  can  stir  from  one  district  to 
another,  or  shoot  the  crows  on  his  corn,  without  a  "  permit."  The 
free,  stirring,  unresting  political  life  of  the  people,  has  become 
merged  into  tho  still,  stagnant  police-rule  of  the  Austrians. 

All  this  change,  of  course,  was  very  expensive.  In  place  of  tho 
local  governments — economical,  watching  every  expense,  and  man- 
aged mostly  by  "voluntary  officers — everything  is  governed  from  a 
distance,  by  expeasive  arrangements,  and  by  well-paid  officials.  This 
difference  of  cost  of  course,  must  come  out  of  the  hard-oppressed  peo- 


304  ATTACKS  ON  RELIGION. 

pie.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  the  Austrian  Government  has  gone 
still  further,  and  made  an  attack  on  the  Protestant  Church  of  Hun- 
gary. The  last  feelings  which  a  Government  will  usually  wish  to 
arouse  against  itself  are  the  religious  feelings  of  a  people.  The 
Austrian  Ministry,  however,  have  not  dreaded — and  in  1850,  as  I 
have  already  shown,  Haynau  published  a  decree  by  which  the  old 
Constitution  of  the  Protestant  Church — a  Constitution  which  it  has 
held  separate  from  the  State  for  five  hundred  years,  alike  through 
times  of  loyalty  and  rebellion — was  completely  shorn  of  its  privi- 
leges, and  by  which  the  whole  Church  was  in  danger  of  becoming 
a  mere  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Austrian  Police. 

Of  course  it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Austrians,  after  conquer- 
ing Hungary,  would  seek  to  change  its  remarkably  free  internal 
Government.  But  whether  such  a  sudden,  entire  blotting  out  of  the 
old  Government,  and  such  an  unprovoked  attack  on  the  rights, 
(guarantied  by  three  solemn  treaties  with  the  House  of  Hapsburg,) 
of  the  old  Hungarian  Protestant  Church,  was  a  judicious,  yes,  a  safe 
course  for  themselves,  is  another  question.  Something  of  the  result 
of  this  policy  will  be  seen,  as  I  proceed.  Accompanying  all  these 
measures  there  have  been  going  on  continually,  various  petty  attacks, 
most  of  all  calculated  to  embitter  the  national  feelings.  The  old 
Hungarian  songs  have  often  been  forbidden.  The  wearing  the 
national  costume  was  made  a  criminal  offense.  The  Hungarian 
colors  cannot  be  shown,  except  by  stealth. 

Very  naturally,  the  effects  of  these  regulations  are  precisely  op- 
posite to  what  the  Austrians  intended.  The  old  glory  of  the  nation, 
which  they  would  render  degraded  and  forgotten,  is  remembered 
with  all  the  more  affection,  in  that  it  is  a  crime  to  speak  of  it.  The 
dear  old  colors,  cast  out  by  their  conquerors,  are  worn  on  the  dresses 
of  the  ladies,  and  arranged  in  flowers  and  leaves  on  the  hats  of  the 


HUNGARY    IN'    li  3C5 

peasants.  The  songs  of  the  country  are  sung  at  the  remote  cottage 
fire-sides,  or  in  the  secret  gatherings  in  the  villages,  with  an  emotion 
which  they  never  would  have  dreamed  of  before. 

Besides  these  measures,  laws  were  passed,  removing  every  thing 
which  could  separate  Hungary  from  Austria.  The  postal  communi- 
cation, the  duties,  the  municipal  laws,  were  made  common  with  those 
of  Austria.  Nothing  remained  to  separate  Hungary  from  the  Em- 
pire ,  except  the  hedge  of  police-restriction  Avhich  the  Government 
had  placed  around  it. 

After  this  steady  and  well-conducted  attempt  to  blot  out  all  which 
could  remind  Hungary  of  its  Past,  the  next  great  step  was  to  con- 
trive means  for  squeezing  the  utmost  possible  revenue  from  the  land. 
This  was  to  be  expected.  The  debt  of  the  Austrians .  was  over  a 
thousand  millions  (florins).  They  had  conquered — though  by 
foreign  aid — a  large  and  rich  Province,  and  with  the  expense  to 
themselves  of  some  hundred  and  fifty  millions.  The  question  of 
finances  was  a  question  of  life  and  death  to  them.  With  their  views 
of  the  matter,  it  was  to  be  expected  they  would  seek  to  extort  every 
penny  possible  from  the  unfortunate  country.  Whether  on  the 
whole,  a  heavy  taxing  of  Hungary  was  the  most  judicious  course  for 
their  own  interests,  will  appear  better  hereafter.  There  were  many 
circumstances  at  this  time  which  would  render  a  high  taxation 
especially  disagreeable  and  oppressive  to  the  Hungarians.  They 
have  never  been  used  to  it.  I  have  mentioned  before  how  very 
economically  the  whole  machinery  of  Government  was  carried  on. 
\  imiiar  frugality  was  exercised  in  raising  a  revenue  from  the  peo- 
ple.  Most  of  the  principal  supplies  for  Government  came  from  the 
crown  lands  and  the  mines,  as  well  as  from  certain  monopolies  in 
salt  and  other  article-,  allowed  to  the  King.  The  direct  taxes  were 
comparatively  small.       ]Yn\(  -  calculates  them  at  about  12,000,000 


366  TAXATION. 

florins,  or  nearly  $0,000,000.  Schiitte,  and  the  Allgemeine  Zeitung, 
in  its  articles  on  Hungary  in  1849,  makes  them  about  8,000,000 
florins  per  annum.  But,  on  the  whole,  Fenyes  may  be  considered 
the  most  careful  statistical  author  who  has  yet  written  on  Hungary, 
and  his  estimates  may  be  accepted.  Six  millions  of  dollars  in  taxes 
per  annum  for  a  nation  numbering  15,000,000,  and  for  a  land  ex- 
ceeding Prussia  in  its  dimensions  by  some  thousand  square  miles, 
and  but  little  behind  France,  was  certainly  no  great  sum. 

A  heavy,  grinding  taxation,  taking  the  place  of  this,  would,  of 
course,  be  exceedingly  hard.  The  nation,  furthermore,  after  thenar, 
found  itself  extremely  poor.  Most  of  the  inhabitants  had  spent  all 
available  means  in  the  defense  of  their  country.  Farms  had  been 
neglected,  and  vineyards  almost  abandoned.  The  usual  sources  of 
income  in  the  sale  of  products  and  the  exchange  of  articles  was  very 
nearly  cut  off  by  the  disturbed  state  of  the  land.  Business  was  all 
at  a  stand  still — and  worse  than  all,  an  immense  proportion  of  the 
floating  capital  of  the  country  was  in  "  Kossuth  Notes" 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Hungarian  President,  to  meet  the 
exigencies  of  the  war  issued  a  very  large  quantity  of  paper  money, 
to  be  redeemed  from  the  incomes  and  properties  of  the  State.  A 
perfectly  justifiable  procedure,  when  one  considers  the  very  rich 
sources  of  revenue  in  the  possession  of  the  Hungarian  Government. 
These  notes,  on  such  good  basis,  had  at  once  driven  the  Austrian 
notes  out  of  Hungary,  and  were  received  at  par  everywhere  through- 
out the  nation.  The  Bauer  especially  had  gained  great  quantities 
of  them,  and  carefully  laid  them  away.  The  nobles  had  sold  their 
property  for  them,  and  the  merchants'  capital  was  much  vested  in 
them,  for  there  seemed  at  the  time  no  safer  investment. 

At  once  on  the  sudden  defeat  of  the  Hungarian  cause,  all  this  im- 
mense property  became  worthless.     The  Austrians  made  some  cap- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  367 

tivating  promises,  to  induce  the  Bauer,  particularly,  to  deliver  tli<> 
notes  up,  promising  every  man  who  would  hand  them  in  before  a 
certain  time,  some  per  centage,  I  think  nearly  fifty,  on  their  nominal 
value.  A  number  were  foolish  enough  to  send  them  in — received 
a  quittance — the  notes  were  burned,  and  that  is  the  last  ever  heard 
of  the  redeeming  of  Hungarian  paper  money  by  the  Austrian  Govern 
ment.  The  great  mass  of  those  bills,  however,  are  still  held,  in  con- 
cealment, through  the  whole  land,  until  better  times  shall  come, 
though  the  possession  of  a  Kossuth  note  is  a  criminal  offense  now  by 
the  laws  of  Austria. 

The  mode  which,  despite  all  these  circumstances,  the  Austrians 
adopted  of  laying  a  heavy  taxation  on  the  nation,  was  peculiarly 
characteristic  of  the  stupidity  of  their  administration  throughout. 

The  great  luxury,  I  might  say,  almost  necessary,  of  the  whole  na 
tion,  is  their  tobacco.  Every  man  uses  it.  The  clergyman  walks  the 
streets  with  his  pipe  in  his  mouth  ;  the  Bauer  smokes  at  every  meal 
and  all  through  the  long  evenings ;  the  gentleman  plies  the  cigar, 
wherever  he  is,  from  morning  to  night,  in  fair  weather  and  foul,  in 
work  or  in  play.  It  has  become  a  national  habit.  There  is  hardly 
a  farm  in  the  land  which  does  not  contain  its  little  tobacco  field. 

This  article,  as  a  luxury,  the  Austrians  very  rationally  concluded 
to  tax.  That,  however,  this  taxing  a  product  of  the  soil,  and  one 
so  much  in  use  by  the  poorest  classes,  was  equally  rational,  we  very 
much  doubt.  The  mode,  however,  as  I  said  before,  and  the  amount 
of  the  tax,  was  the  most  singular. 

The  peasant,  when  he  was  about  to  plant  his  tobacco  in  the  Spring, 
must  first  wait  upon  the  Commissioners  and  obtain  a  written  "  per- 
mit," (for  which  he  paid  a  stamp-duty,)  altogether  going  through 
with  a  v< -ry  vexatious  proceeding,  for  a  man  in  his  situation.  After 
this,  he  quietly  plants  bis  tobacco,  and  is  Buffered  to  resl  a  few  weeks, 


368  TOBACCO-LAW. 

until  the  plants  are  a  little  grown ;  then  he  is  waited  upon,  in  his 
turn,  hy  the  Royal  Commissioners,  who  assess  the  present  amount 
and  the  amount  which  probably  will  be  when  the  time  of  gathering 
comes. 

This  is  not  enough,  however.  Again  at  harvest  time,  His  Majes- 
ty's Commissioners  show  themselves  at  the  peasant's  paling,  and  if 
the  present  crop  has  been  injured,  or  proves  unfortunately  short,  or 
falls  in  any  way  below  the  first  estimates,  the  unfortunate  Bauer  must 
pay  the  difference. 

But  still  he  is  not  allowed  to  pay  the  tax  on  his  tobacco,  and  then 
sell  it  as  he  chooses.  That  would  be  far  too  much  "  license "  for 
their  theories  of  government.  No,  he  must  carry  all  his  tobacco — 
every  fragment  and  leaf,  even  what  he  has  been  wont  to  use  as  fod- 
der— to  the  Commissioners,  who,  of  course,  must  be  provided  with 
store-houses,  and  a  set  of  clerks  to  overlook  it — all  new  items  of  ex- 
pense— and  there  he  must  sell  the  whole  crop  at  the  Government 
prices.  And  if  he  wishes  any  for  his  own  use,  he  can  buy  it  back, 
also  at  the  Government  prices.  What  those  prices  are,  will  be  evi- 
dent from  this  instance  in  the  town  of  M -,  in  Heves  Comitat. 

A  gentleman  there  told  me,  that  tobacco  which  he  could  sell  for 
forty  Gulden  ($20)  the  Zentner,  he  was  obliged  to  dispose  of  to 
the  Government  for  from  seven  gulden  to  twelve  the  zentner ;  which 
tobacco  the  jrovernrnent  again  sold  to  him  and  others  at  the  rate  of 
seventy  gulden  !  In  the  Bihar  Comitat,  I  heard  instances  of  Gov- 
ernment taxation  even  worse  than  this,  where  the  dead  loss  to  the 
planter  would  approach  ninety  per  cent !  And  this,  be  it  remem- 
bered, not  a  tax  upon  an  export,  or  upon  an  imported  luxury,  which 
the  Government  would  quite  as  willingly  see  banished — as  in  the 
case  of  the  English  tax  upon  tobacco — but  upon  a  product  of  the 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  369 

country,  on  which  they  only  wish  to  raise  as  much  money  as  possi- 
ble. 

Let  this  whole  law  he  observed  as  a  specimen  of  the  Austrian 
system,  which  they  would  so  stupidly  fasten  upon  Hungary.  The 
very  idea  of  taxing  a  product  of  the  soil  in  any  way,  ought  to  have 
been  obsolete.  But  this  summoning  ignorant  peasants  to  the  Com- 
missioner's office,  these  forms  and  proceedings,  this  minute  interfer- 
ence in  the  man's  sowing  and  reaping,  the  expensive  outlay  for  Gov- 
eminent  officers  to  effect  it  all,  and  the  bold  interference  in  the  laws 
of  trade,  show  the  extreme  of  impractical  legislation.  The  results 
have  been  what  might  be  expected.  The  peasants  refused  to  plant 
tobacco,  if  it  must  be  done  under  such  an  array  of  legal  proceed- 
ings. They  had  rather  not  smoke,  than  have  all  kinds  of  royal 
officers  haunting  their  barns.  They  burned  their  seed,  and  were 
imprisoned  for  destroying  their  own  property.  The  gentlemen 
found  it  would  not  pay  at  all,  to  raise  a  crop  which  they  must  sell 
to  Government  at  a  loss  of  seventy  per  cent,  on  its  real  value ;  and 
rather  than  pay  such  an  odious  tax,  they  preferred  to  abandon  their 
cigars  and  pipe. 

The  new  tax  has  accordingly  paid  the  Austrians  very  poorly  thus 
far,  and  they  have  been  obliged  twice  to  postpone  its  full  execution. 
The  last  time  it  was  to  come  into  thorough  operation  was  in  the 
beginning  of  July,  when  I  was  leaving  Hungary,  and  I  could  not 
therefore  see  its  working ;  but  I  know  how  the  whole  people  felt, 
and  I  know  how  many  of  the  planters  have  entirely  abandoned  the 
cultivation  of  the  plant,  so  that  I  have  little  doubt  the  Austrian 
Ministry  will  extort  very  little  from  the  Eungariana  on  that  tax  at 
lea^t. 

In  one  place  through  which  I  passed,  in  Hevcs  Comitat,  where 
there  had  once  been  five  hundred   tobacco  planters,  there   are   not 


370  OPPOSITION. 

now  five.  In  every  village  they  gave  the  same  account  of  the  dimi- 
nution of  the  tobacco  crop.  I  visited  very  many  gentlemen  who 
had  not  only  given  up  raising  tobacco,  but  had  also  resolved  to 
leave  off  the  habit  of  smoking,  when  the  new  law  came  into  opera- 
tion on  the  first  of  July.  Numbers  had  pledged  themselves  never 
to  smoke  the  "  Imperial  tobacco,"  as  it  is  called,  after  it  has  passed 
into  the  Commissioners'  hands  ;  and  it  was  said  that  even  then  the 
royal  officers  were  obliged  to  label  their  cigars  "  Hungarian  tobacco," 
i.  e.  tobacco  not  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the  excise  officers,  in 
order  to  make  it  saleable.  Very  many  told  me  they  meant  to  hold 
out  against  the  tax,  as  we  did  against  the  tax  on  tea,  in  our  Revolu- 
tion. "  It  was  bad  enough  paying  Austria's  debts,"  they  said,  "  but 
such  au  annoying,  oppressive  tax  as  this  was  intolerable." 

I  must  confess,  I  almost  doubt  the  ability  of  the  Hungarians  to 
give  up  their  old  habit,  even  for  such  patriotic  motives.  Still,  it  all 
shows  the  feeling  of  the  country  toward  their  new  government. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

Austrian  Policy  in  Hungary. 

The  next  step  of  the  Austrian  Ministry,  in  their  course  of  taxa 
tion,  was  to  lay  a  heavy  duty  on  all  wine  made  in  the  country. 

In  Tokay,  where  the  most  valuable  wines  are  produced,  the  duty 
was  two  Gulden  per  Miner,  (about  eight  cents  a  gallon),  when  the 
price  was  only  four  and  a  half  gulden,  or  a  duty  of  about  fifty  per 
cent,  on  a  product  of  the  soil !  In  another  town,  lying  farther 
south,  where  I  was,  they  estimated  the  tax  at  even  seventy-five  per 
cent. 

Besides  this,  the  cultivator  must  pay  a  further  tax  of  five  per 
cent,  on  the  ground  of  his  vineyard.  All  this,  of  course,  comes 
exceedingly  hard  on  an  impoverished  population  ;  and  the  Bauer, 
especially,  feel  it,  as  they  have  always  been  in  the  habit  of  raising 
their  own  wine,  and  have,  naturally,  very  little  ready  money. 

The  results  of  this,  too,  are  beginning  to  be  apparent.  Peasants 
abandon  the  cultivation  of  the  vine,  rather  than  incur  such  expenses, 
and  betake  themselves  for  spirituous  drink  to  the  vile  plum  brandy 
which  is  manufactured  in  the  country.  The  large  vino  planters 
have    reduced  their  vineyards  to   a  considerable  degree;  and  very 


372  AUSTRIAN    "IMPROVEMENTS." 

many  of  the  gentlemen  have  given  them  up,  for  the  present  altoge- 
ther. 

But  this  is  not,  by  any  means,  all  the  taxation.  Every  house 
pays  a  by  no  means  moderate  sum,  and  the  garden  has  its  tax  also. 
Though  the  duties  on  the  borders  are  nominally  raised,  many  of  the 
exports  from  Hungary  into  Austria  must  still  pay  a  heavy  tribute, 
in  the  way  of  taxation.  Numerous  other  articles  heap  up  the 
amount  of  taxes,  and  as  a  climax,  comes  the  poll-tax  of  a  dollar  and 
a  half,  through  the  whole  male  population. 

In  considering  these  various  measures  of  the  Austrian  administra- 
tion,  it  would  not  be  just  to  pass  over  some,  in  another  direction, 
which  they  claim  are  highly  beneficial  to  the  country.  These  are 
limited  to  the  improvement  of  the  roads  and  the  postal  communica- 
tion. As  I  have  said  in  a  previous  chapter,  I  consider  these  im- 
provements very  much  exaggerated.  In  by-roads,  in  roads  running 
across  the  country,  in  improvements  within  the  cities,  there  are  no 
marks  of  Austrian  labor.  But  in  the  two  great  military  roads,  one 
running  from  Pesth  to  Siebenbiirgen,  through  Gros  Wardein,  and 
the  other  from  Pesth  to  Szegedin,  in  a  southerly  direction,  something 
in  the  way  of  "  improvement"  has  been  done,  through  the  forced 
labor  of  the  peasants.  It  is  true,  too,  that  on  these  two  roads  the 
post  runs  somewhat  more  speedily  than  it  used  to  ;  though  whether 
this  increased  celerity  is  at  all  compensated  for,  by  the  risk  which 
every  letter  incurs  of  passing  through  the  hands  of  the  Chief  of 
Police,  is  another  question.  The  truth  is,  in  whatever  can  aid  in 
the  military  occupation  of  the  country,  in  connecting  fortresses  with 
highways,  in  building  tetes  du  pont  in  the  cities,  and  embankments 
around  the  citadels,  the  Austrians  are  active  enough  ;  but  in  any 
more  useful  direction,  I  could  not  see  that  they  were. 

The  question  of  most  interest  to  us  in  foreign  lands,  comes  up  at 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  373 

this  point.     What  has  the  Austrian   administration  gained  in  Hun- 
gary from  all  this  policy  ? 

As  I  said  before,  I  have  no  doubt  that  in  an  early  period  after  the 
revolution,  the  Austrian  Government  might  have  won  over  almost 
the  whole  nation.  As  it  is — I  had  almost  said  it  with  a  God  be 
thanked — it  is  too  late.  Duplicity  and  Oppression  have  done  their 
work.  Years  of  good  government,  and  of  honorable  dealing  and 
kind  treatment,  would  not  efface  the  remembrance.  The  Ministry 
of  Vienna  have  lost  all  that  they  might  have  gained. 

It  is  well  known  that  one  great  weakness  of  the  Hungarian  party 
lay  in  then  contests  and  differences  with  the  other  tribes — especially 
the  Wallachs  and  Croats.  Of  course,  it  should  have  been  a  promi- 
nent object  of  the  Austrian  Ministry,  as  prudent  statesmen,  to 
preserve  the  friendship  of  these  nationalities.  But  they  appear  to 
have  become  confident,  from  the  wonderful  success  of  the  war,  and 
from  the  aid  of  their  powerful  ally  ;  and  they  proceeded  quietly  to 
strip  the  Croats  of  every  privilege,  and  to  extort  from  them  every 
possible  penny,  just  as  they  had  done  with  the  other  Hungarians. 

There  is  no  proof  that  the  Croats  had  ever  been  really  oppressed 
under  the  other  administration.  The  forcing  of  the  Magyar  lan- 
gurge  upon  them  as  their  diplomatic  language,  was  their  greatest 
grievance.  Still,  they  had  always  been  allowed  their  peculiar  pro- 
vincial privileges — their  Assembly  of  Representatives,  and  local 
laws,  differing  somewhat  from  those  in  the  rest  of  Hungary.  Their 
share  in  the  national  taxation  had  been  much  smaller  than  that  of 
the  other  tribes.  The  Austrians,  however,  totally  forgot  all  this, 
and  their  services  towards  themselves.  The  German  language  has 
been  forced  upon  them,  quite  as  much  as  the  Magyar  would  have 
been.  All  their  peculiar  privileges  have  been  buried  under  an  in- 
discriminate military  rule.  The  Ancient  Croatian  Assembly  of 
16* 


374  TREATMENT    OF    CROATS. 

Deputies  has  passed  away,  not  to  be  revived  till  that  indefinite  day 
of  the  future,  when  the  Austrian  Constitution  of  the  4th  of  March 
conies  into  life  again.  The  heavy  burden  of  Austrian  taxation  is 
laid  upon  them  too,  and  they  find  that  they,  the  faithful  allies  of  the 
Emperor,  must  pay  for  the  long  course  of  Austrian  extravagance 
and  wastefulness.  They  have  deserted  their  natural  allies  and 
kindred,  and  have  degraded  their  ancient  kingdom  into  a  province 
of  Austria,  and  all  they  get  in  return,  is  a  share  in  the  grinding 
oppression  which  is  fastened  upon  the  rest  of  Hungary.  The  Aus- 
trians  began  by  deceiving  and  inflaming  them  against  the  Magyars, 
and  they  end  by  cheating  them  and  oppressing  them  worse  than 
they  ever  could  have  been  oppressed  before.  One  would  have 
expected  that  skilful  statesmen  would,  at  least,  reward  followers  who 
had  suffered  so  much  for  their  party.  But  this  was  not  done. 
Whether  the  Austrians  have  become  blind  from  their  success,  or 
whether  they  wish  to  degrade  Hungary,  in  every  way,  as  much  as 
possible,  certain  it  is  that  the  Croat  leaders  fare  quite  as  hard  as 
many  of  the  Hungarian  rebels.  The  intolerable  taxation,  the 
annoying  police-rule,  the  espionage,  the  loss  of  political  rights,  have 
all  come  quite  as  heavy  upon  the  Croats  as  the  other  Hungarians, 
and  the  harder,  as  they  had  expected  something  better. 

The  same  is  true  of  all  the  other  tribes,  or  portions  of  tribes,  who, 
at  any  time,  sided  with  the  Austrians.  They  are  taxed,  worried 
with  police-regulations,  fettered  in  all  liberty  of  speech  or  action, 
placed  under  the  most  arbitrary,  lawless  military  despotism,  pre- 
cisely as  the  worst  enemies  of  the  Austrian  power. 

This  experience,  throughout  Hungary,  has  opened  the  eyes  of  the 
allies  of  Austria.  The  Hungarians  had  always  warned  them,  that 
if  they  should  succeed  with  Austria,  they  would  find  themselves 
deceived,   and  they  would   see  themselves  under  a  tyranny  woree 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  375 

than  had  ever  been  known  in  Hungary.  They  find  it  all  true.  As 
a  consequence  of  all  this,  their  whole  feeling  toward  the  Magyars 
has  changed.  I  know  no  better  proof  of  this  than  an  instance 
related  to  me  by  the  Chief  of  Police  in  Pesth,  a  most  loyal  impe- 
rialist from  Bohemia,  aud  a  gentlemen  of  great  intelligence, — cer- 
tainly a  person  whose  opinion  on  such  a  subject  as  this  would  not 
incline  too  much  to  the  Hungarian  side. 

He  admitted,  in  a  conversation  I  had  with  him  while  in  arrest,  in 
his  house  at  Pesth,  that  there  were  too  many  of  the  Austrian 
officers  in  the  country  who  did  not  understand  the  Hungarian 
character,  and  allowed  that,  unfortunately,  the  Austrian  party  had 
lost  ground  on  every  side.  I  inquired  about  the  Census,  of  this 
year,  just  finished,  and  whether  I  could  get  access  to  it?  Ho 
thought  it  would  be  difficult  at  present,  but  said  that  he  himself 
had  seen  the  returns  in  the  Commissioner's  office. 

I  asked,  with  considerable  curiosity,  whether  the  report  was  true, 
which  I  had  heard,  that  the  number  of  the  Magyars  had  increased 
to  a  remarkable  degree  ? 

He  said,  "  It  was  true,  at  least  as  far  as  the  census  was  concerned. 
The  whole  population  numbered  about  fifteen  millions,  and  of  these, 
the  Magyars  were  given  in  as  eight  millions?* 

I  had  heard  a  report  of  this  before,  in  the  German  newspapers 
and  among  the  Hungarians,  but  I  had  always  supposed  it  a  Hunga- 
rian exaggeration.  I  inquired  what  he  thought  was  the  reason  ? 
He  said,  "  That  probably  very  many  of  the  other  nationalities  must, 
have  given  themselves  in  as  Magyars  to  the  officers  of  the  census." 

*  Chowanez  in  his  Hand  Book  for  Acquaintance  with  Hungary  (Bamberg, 
1851),  writing  in  the  interest  of  the  Austrian  Government,  to  induce 
German  colonists  to  emigrate  to  Hungary,  confirms  this  statement.— 
P.  130. 


376  NEW    CENSUS. 

It  will  be  seen,  whatever  be  the  explanation,  that  this  is  a  very 
important  fact  for  the  Hungarian  question.  If  the  explanation  be 
as  the  Hungarians  give  it,  that  no  accurate  census  was  ever  made 
until  now,  under  this  exact  military  rule  ;  inasmuch  as  previously  the 
only  object  of  numbering  the  population  was  to  find  those  liable  to 
service  under  arms  ;  it  still  does  away  with  one  great  argument 
against  the  Magyar  or  Hungarian  party.  For  it  has  always  been 
said  that  the  Magyars  were  only  a  small  part  of  the  population, 
some  three  or  four  millions,  and  that  they  had  no  claim,  except  that 
of  power,  to  their  pre-eminence  in  the  land.  But  late  statistics  all 
show  a  much  greater  preponderance  to  the  Magyar  element  than 
has  been  allowed.  For  instance — Fenyes  makes  the  number  in  1842, 
4,870,000;  and  no  one  will  ever  accuse  Fenyes  of  over  estimating 
anything.  The  "  Universal  Gazette  "  of  Presburg,  in  1840  states, 
the  Magyars  as  numbering  somewhat  over  5,000,000,  and  Schutte, 
a  German  historian,  a  very  candid  and  honest  writer,  gives  them,  in 
1850,  as  5,278,000. 

But  leaving  this,  and  admitting  the  explanation  of  this  new  in- 
crease given  by  the  Austrian  Police  Director,  it  speaks  most  strik- 
ingly against  what  we  have  heard,  in  our  country,  of  Magyar  oppres- 
sion and  injustice  to  the  other  tribes  of  Hungary,  and  shows  what 
the  "  paternal "  government  of  the  Austrians  must  have  been  since 
the  Revolution.  Here  are  three  millions  of  the  down-trodden  Croats, 
Wallachs,  Slavonians,  Servians,  who  in  an  Austrian  census  prefer  to 
rank  themselves  with  their  oppressors,  in  the  time  of  their  disgrace 
and  their  exile,  to  giving  in  their  names  as  belonging  to  their  own 
native  tribes  ?  No  motive  of  interest  or  favor  can  be  supposed  here. 
It  would  be  the  last  means  of  gaining  anything  with  the  Austrians. 
There  could  be  no  other  reason  than  affection  and  gratitude  towards 
the  defeated,  exiled  Magyars,  and  hatred  to  the  Austrians.     With 


HUNGARY    IN     1851.  oT; 

many,  it  was  perhaps  an  affection  originating  only  since  the  war,  and 
since  they  had  become  convinced  that  the  Magyars  were  really  seek- 
ing the  good  of  all  Hungary.  With  others,  it  was  the  old  attach- 
ment to  the  Hungarian  party  which  ked  them,  though  of  different 
origin  and  temperaments,  to  fight  side  by  side  with  the  Magyars  in 
the  campaign  of  '49. 

Among  the  other  measures  which  one  would  suppose  a  skilful 
Austrian  ministry  would  adopt  in  governing  Hungary,  would  be 
various  devices  to  win  over  the  immense  class  of  Bauer  or  pea- 
sants. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  one  of  the  great  acts  of  the  Hunga- 
rian Parliament  in  1848,  before  the  war  broke  out  with  Austria,  was 
to  free  the  whole  class  of  Bauer  throughout  the  nation  from  all  feudal 
exactions. 

It  will  be  remembered  also,  that  several  months  after  this  act  of 
the  Parliament,  when  the  difference  between  Austria  and  Hungary 
had  hopelessly  widened,  the  Emperor  published  a  decree,  in  which 
he  manumitted  also  all  the  serfs  of  Hungary.  In  the  roar  of  con- 
test which  was  then  rising,  the  Decree  was  probably  hardly  even 
known  to  the  peasantry  of  Hungary,  and  nothing  more  was  heard 
of  it  till  the  close  of  the  war.  Then  would  have  been  the  time,  in 
the  forming  a  new  Government  in  Hungary,  to  have  made  it  really 
felt  that  Austria  had  freed  the  peasants.  And  it  is  but  just  to  say 
that*  these  measures,  for  doing  away  with  all  feudal  exactions,  were 
faithfully  carried  out,  after  the  Revolution,  in  Bohemia  and  in  other 
parts  of  the  Empire ;  though,  after  all,  with  no  great  sacrifices  to 
Austria,  as  the  expense  had  been  mostly  laid  upon  the  shoulders  of 
th«  peasants  and  the  proprietors.  It  is  possible,  by  a  judicious  pol- 
icy, that  the  Government  might  have  made  the  peasants  believe 
they  were  really  seeking  the  best  interests  of  their  class.     But,  at 


378  OPPRESSION. 

once,  as  if  every  class  must  be  alike  degraded  in  the  unhappy  coun- 
try, they  commenced  by  placing  over  them  all,  the  iron  rule  of  mili- 
tary authority.  All  the  privileges  which  they  had  enjoyed  under 
the  Hungarian  Ministry  were  at  once  taken  from  them.  Their  elec- 
tions, their  assemblies,  their  voting  of  every  kind,  was  at  an  end,  for 
'•  all  balloting  is  inconsistent  with  a  state  of  siege,  (Kriegszustand.") 
Their  Judges  and  town  officers  and  rulers  were  sent  to  them  from  a 
distance,  and  were  either  strangers,  or  appointed  from  Hungarians 
whom  they  despised.  .They  found  that  they  had  no  voice  or  vote 
in  the  matter ;  that  they  were  quite  as  much  serfs  as  before  the 
Revolution,  and  even  in  a  worse  condition — for  the  new  taxes  came 
upon  them  even  more  heavily  than  the  old  feudal  labor.  Each 
peasant  must  pay  for  the  tobacco  he  raised,  for  his  wine,  his  garden, 
his  house,  his  head  ;  and,  more  than  that,  he  must  labor  on  the 
public  roads  for  the  State,  and  do  other  services,  until  it  all  became 
more  intolerable  than  the  detested  Robot.  No  severer  tax  could  be 
laid  upon  such  a  population  than  a  money  tax.  Labor  would  have 
been  much  easier  for  them  to  give  throughout. 

It  is  true,  agents  of  Government  have  gone  among  them  and 
attempted  to  make  the  matter  clear  to  them ;  they  have  shown 
them  the  eloquent  Decree  of  the  Emperor,  proclaiming  freedom  to 
all  the  serfs  in  his  Empire ;  they  have  described  the  love  he  bears 
them,  "  his  children." 

But  the  convincing  argument  to  the  peasant's  mind — and  one 
which  stands  before  him  always — is  in  the  facts  themselves. 
"  Where  are  the  rights,"  he  says,  "  which  I  had  under  Kossuth  ? 
"  Where  are  our  elections,  our  officers,  our  judges  ?  I  could  vote 
then.  I  could  be  chosen  for  an  office.  I  could  speak  and  act  then 
as  I  chose.  Where's  all  this  ?  Now,  I  have  gens  d'armes  all  the 
while  watching  me ;  I  can  not  stir  without  permission.     I  have 


HUNGARY    IN    L851.  379 

nothing  whatever  to  do  in  the  Government.  Besides,  I  must  pay 
taxes  for  everything  I  eat,  and  drink,  and  own.  Wliere  is  your 
freedom  f 

A  few  phrases  about  "  the  exingencies  of  a  state  of  siege"  will 
never  answer  such  questions — and  the  Bauer  put  them  very  often. 

Besides  all  this,  the  Hungarian  party  have  a  very  strong  hold  on 
the  peasants,  from  the  large  amount  of  Kossuth  notes  kept  in 
concealment  by  them,  and  from  the  dishonorable  dealing  of  the 
Austrian  Government  in  that  matter.  The  amount  of  these  notes, 
still  concealed  in  Hungary,  is  immense — exceeding,  some  think, 
50,000,000  florins ! 

Probably  the  most  discontented  class  in  the  Austrian  dominions, 
at  present,  are  the  Hungarian  peasantry. 

In  addition  to  the  various  tribes  adverse  to  the  Hungarian  party, 
there  was  an  important  body  of  noblemen — "  the  Magnates" — men 
owning  vast  estates,  who  had  always  stood  aloof  from  "  the  Revolu- 
tionists." Many  of  them  had  even  sided  with  the  Austrian* . 
These  men — despised  and  hated  in  Hungary — any  prudent  Ministry 
should,  of  course,  have  preserved  in  their  attachment  to  Austria. 

But,  with  that  blindness  which  seems  to  have  stricken  the  Aus- 
trian Government,  they  have  lost  these  too.  The  Court  journals 
have  sneered  at  their  loyalty.  The  Court  itself  has  turned  a  cold 
shoulder  upon  them.  The  intolerable  taxation  has  been  laid  upon 
them,  and  their  estates ;  gens  d'armes  and  spies  watch  them,  and 
they  fare  no  belter  than  the  "Rebels."  Unworthy  tools  of  the 
Ministry,  or  ignorant  Bohemians,  have  been  put  into  some  of  the 
high  offices  of  the  nation,  and,  with  a  characteristic  pride,  the 
Magnates  have  refused  to  accept  any  offices  whatever  under  the 
Government,  and  accordingly  the  majority  of  them  now  live  in 
gloomy  retirement  on  their  estates.     I  know  not  a  few  instances 


380  THE  JEWS. 

among  them,  of  men  who  have  completely  changed  their  political 
views  since  the  Revolution,  and  who  are  recognized  now  as  belong- 
ing to  the  "  Opposition" — or  as  being  coldly  disposed  towards  tho 
Austrian  Government. 

The  only  distinct  class  of  men  whom  the  Ministry  might,  possibly, 
have  gained  over  to  the  Austrian  side,  are  the  Jews.  The  result 
would  have  been  somewhat  doubtful,  however,  even  if  they  had 
attempted  it.  But  it  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  them. 
And  Haynau's  persecutions  of  this  people — as  cruel  as  the  exactions 
of  the  Middle  Ages — have  completely  driven  out  what  little  affection 
any  of  them  might  have  entertained,  toward  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment. 

The  Ministry  of  late,  as  if  conscious  of  their  mistakes,  have  made 
various  efforts  to  regain  their  influence  in  the  land.  They  have  sent 
in  German  colonists  to  introduce  a  new  "  element"  into  the  nation ; 
they  have  instructed  the  Clergy  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  to 
explain  the  "true  nature  of  taxation"  to  the  people.  And  the 
Emperor  has  condescended  even  to  appear  at  a  Court-ball,  in  the 
Hungarian  dress.     But  it  has  all  failed. 

The  colonists  have  returned,  disgusted  with  the  lands  given  them, 
and  enraged  at  the  Ministry  for  deceiving  them.  The  people 
continue  obstinately  insensible  to  "  the  justice"  of  paying,  at  great 
sacrifices,  for  other  people's  debts ;  and  the  display  of  the  Emperor 
is  thought  to  be  somewhat  of  a  farce,  when  it  is  remembered  he  is, 
at  the  very  time,  extending  indefinitely,  the  state  of  siege  over  his 
"  beloved  Hungary." 

As  I  think  over  this  long  course  of  incredible  stupidity  and  disre- 
gard to  their  own  interests,  on  the  part  of  the  Austrians,  I  cannot 
repress  an  emotion  of  thankfulness.  It  would  have  been  better 
perhaps  for  Hungary  to  have  won  her  liberty  in  some  other  way  ; 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  381 

but  the  course  of  events,  or  rather,  a  Power  higher  than  these,  has 
so  determined  it.  The  day  has  passed  now  forever,  in  which 
Hungary  can  be  regained  to  Austria,  by  kind  treatment. 

TVhat  the  motives  of  the  Austrians  in  all  this  were — whether, 
from  the  difficulty  of  finding  Hungarian  advisers,  they  did  nut 
understand  the  character  of  the  nation  and  acted  with  good  inten- 
tions, ignorantly;  or  whether,  in  the  bitterness  of  revenge,  they 
wished  to  punish  and  degrade  the  people  as  much  as  possible,  I,  for 
one,  would  not  venture  to  decide.  However  this  may  be,  and  with 
no  cant  of  finding  ways  which  are  hidden  to  human  eyes,  I  must 
believe  that  a  just  Providence  is  working  out,  by  these  gradual 
means — so  unexpected,  so  truly  retributive — the  day  of  redemption, 
of  freedom  for  Hungary.  Austrian  blindness  or  Austrian  cruelty 
shall  of  itself  weaken  and  break  the  grasp  of  tyranny  over  the 
unhappy  land.     May  God  grant  it ! 


CHAPTEE  XLIL 

Kossuth's  Administration — A  Retrospect. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1848,  the  Deputation  from  the  Hungarian 
Parliament  to  Vienna,  obtained  permission  from  the  Emperor  Fer- 
dinand V.,  to  form  an  independent  Hungarian  Ministry.  Count 
Louis  Batthyanyi  was  empowered  with  its  formation  ;  and  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  the  Nation,  nominated  Louis  Kossuth  as  Minister 
of  Finance.  Though  nominated  by  Batthyanyi,  Kossuth  was,  in 
fact,  the  principal  Member  of  the  Ministry. 

On  the  11th  of  July,  as  the  separation  between  the  two  countries 
hopelessly  widened,  and  war  seemed  threatening  both  from  Croatia 
and  Austria,  the  Parliament  voted  a  levy  of  200,000  men,  and 
supplies  to  the  amount  of  42,000,000  florins  (about  $21,000,000.) 

No  Ministry  ever  had  a  more  difficult  task  before  them.  The 
Government  of  a  whole  nation  was  to  be  reorganized,  and  every 
possible  preparation  made  for  a  gigantic  struggle.  The  supplies 
thus  voted  were  to  be  collected ;  finances  were  to  be  arranged, 
tariffs  regulated,  a  new  currency  established,  Government  property 
farmed,  and  a  great  army  to  be  raised  and  equipped. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  383 

There  was  more  than  ordinary  difficulty  in  can-.ng  out  these 
measures. 

All  these  departments  had  been  previously  managed  by  the 
Austrian  Ministry  at  Vienna.  Few  men  in  Kxagary  had  any  expe- 
rience in  them.  The  only  taxes  imposed  by  tlie  Hungarians  them- 
selves, had  been  the  Home-taxes — expended  within  the  country. 
Besides,  the  whole  taxation  upon  Hungary  had  always  been  small, 
and  laid  in  a  careless  manner.  There  was  no  regular  list  of  landed 
estates,  so  that  land  might  be  taxed,  and  the  Nobles  were  not 
liable  to  taxes,  until  the  new  law  came  into  effect  in  November. 

The  public  income  from  every  source  to  Austria,*  had  never 
been  over  22,000,000  florins  per  annum,  and  42,000,000  were 
needed  at  once.  As  a  climax  to  the  financial  difficulties  before  the 
Ministry,  restitution  was  to  be  made  to  the  landlords,  who  had 
beggared  themselves  by  giving  up  their  feudal  rents  and  exactions  ; 
the  whole  amount  of  this  loss  is  reckoned  by  careful  writers  at 
£90,000,000,   of  which   Government  were  expected  to   restore  at 

least  a  third. 

Iu  the  levying  so  large  an  army,  too,  the  difficulty  was  immense. 

Hungary  had  never  any  distinct  National  army.  Her  regiments 
were  scattered  about  through  the  Austrian  forces.  The  nations 
militia  were  much  too  exclusively  "  volunteers,"  to  be  serviceable  for 
a  regular  army.  There  was  a  large  party,  too,  of  whom  the 
Minister  of  War  was  one,  who  dreaded  forming  any  new  Hungarian 
Army,  lest  the  measure  would  completely  cut  off  the  chance  of  a 
reconciliation  with  Austria. 

*  In  a  pamphlet  (Ungarn  in  seinen  rwuesten  Vcrhaltnissen—Vesih,  1851) 
which  I  have  lately  received,  containing  the  Austrian  estimates,  they  are 
reckoned  for  184G  as  23,920,929  florins,  which  is  higher  than  the  usual 
estimates. 


3S4  FINANCE-MEASURES 

These  were  some  of  the  difficulties  before  the  Kossuth  and 
3atthyanyi  (Louis)  Ministry. 

Despite  the  timidity  and  inexperience  of  many  of  his  associates, 
these  were  met  and  conquered  by  Kossuth. 

According  to  his  plan,  approved  by  the  Parliament,  a  National 
Bank  was  formed  in  Pesth,  from  the  surplus  funds  in  the  hands  of 
the  Government,  and  from  voluntary  contributions.  The  capital  of 
tbis  Bank  in  a  short  time  amounted  to  5,000,000  florins. 

On  this  he  issued  12,500,000  florins  in  bank  notes. 

The  management  of  the  Government  property, — mines,  salt 
works,  monopolies,  &c,  was  so  improved,  that  they  yielded  tenfold 
more  profit.  On  this  again,  as  a  basis,  and  on  the  new  taxation, 
which  would  double  the  previous  income  of  the  State,  without  bur- 
dening the  people,  he  issued  paper  money. 

So  reliable  was  this  basis,  that  these  notes,  reaching  in  December 
the  amount  of  28,600,000  florins,  at  once  drove  the  Austrian  bank 
notes — though  amounting  to  some  forty  or  fifty  million  florins — 
utterly  out  of  the  country.  The  smaller  landholders,  to  whom  re- 
stitution was  due  for  Feudal  rents  given  up,  were  to  be  paid  in  bank 
notes,  the  greater  in  5  per  cent.  Consolidated  State  Bonds,  or  with 
portions  of  the  public  lands.  Debts,  too,  contracted  by  the  nobles, 
on  the  pledge  of  their  Feudal  rents,  were  to  be  taken  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  similar  State  Bonds  to  be  issued. 

By  these  measures,  Kossuth  restored  public  confidence— created  a 
good  security  for  a  currency— separated  it  completely  from  the 
Austrian,  and  provided  supplies  for  the  war,  without,  at  the  time, 
much  burdening  the  people. 

All,  this,  however,  did  not  prove  enough  for  the  enormous  expen- 
ditures :  and,  with  a  characteristic  confidence  in  the  people,  he 
appealed  to  their  generosity. 


HL'NGARY    IN    1851.  39J 

This  was  met,  as  he  expected,  and  liberal  contributions  poured 
in. 

With  a  similar  almost  instinctive  knowledge  of  his  nation,  he 
proposed  that  the  new  army  be  raised,  not  by  conscription,  but  by 
voluntary  recruiting,  at  the  same  time  binding  the  recruits  to  a 
certain  time  of  service  and  giving  a  fixed  pay. 

His  plan  for  the  formation  of  the  army,  shows  even  more 
remarkably  his  talent  for  organization. 

There  were  to  be,  according  to  his  proposition  to  Parliament, 
three  great  divisions  in  the  military  force  of  the  country. 

First,  the  Regular  Army,  formed  of  the  old  troops  of  the  line, 
who  had  passed  over  into  the  Hungarian  service  from  the  Imperial, 
and  of  the  new  Honved  battalions. 

Second,  the  National  Guard,  composed  of  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  cities  and  large  market  towns,  capable  of  bearing  arras. 

And  third,  the  Militia,  from  all  the  collected  male  inhabitants  of 
the  vilages  and  rural  districts. 

In  the  Regular  Army,  he  proposed  to  form  100  Battalions  of 
Honved  Infantry,  each  1000  to  1200  strong,  bearing  the  numbers 
from  1  to  100. 

The  regular  soldiers  within  the  country  should  be  incorporated 
into  these  Honved  regiments;  and  if  possible,  two  companies  into 
every  regiment,  as  an  aid  in  exercising  and  drilling.  The  "frco 
corps"  then  existing  in  the  country,  were  to  be  changed  into  Honved 
battalions.  The  uniform  was  to  be  similar  throughout,  and  the 
colors  and  style  were  to  be  fixed  by  general  orders. 

The  cavalry  were  to  be  formed  of  the  ten  Hussar  regiments  which 
had  left  the  Imperial  army,  and  of  new  regiments  of  Hussars  and 
Uhlans  yet  to  be  formed.  The  artillery  in  like  manner  were  to  be 
composed  of  the  old  and  the  new,  united. 

17 


3S6  THE    MILITIA. 

The  National  Guard  was  armed  and  organised  like  the  regular 
troops,  but  their  duty  was  more  especially  to  guard  the  fortresses 
and  cities.  Though,  if  occasion  demanded,  they  were  to  be  employed 
in  other  service. 

The  Militia  was  the  branch  to  which  Kossuth  had  devoted  most 
attention.  This  he  designed  as  the  great  source  from  which  all  the 
other  divisions  were  to' be  supplied. 

His  instructions  to  them  (in  October,)  embrace  15  Articles,  and 
show  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the  use  and  proper  organization 
of  a  National  militia. 

Every  man  (No.  1,)  capable  of  bearing  arms,  without  distinction 
of  age,  property,  or  profession,  must  take  part  in  the  Militia.  No 
substitute  is  allowed,  and  sickness  and  bodily  weakness  are  the  only 
excuses  received. 

The  militia  (No  6)  is  to  arm  itself  with  every  possible  weapon — 
even  scythes  and  flails,  if  no  other  can  be  found.  Any  one,  who 
has  more  arms  than  are  necessary  for  himself,  can  be  called  upon  to 
give  up  the  superfluous  for  the  others. 

The  duty  of  the  militia  (No  7,)  shall  be  to  weaken  and  disturb 
the  enemy  on  all  sides  ;  to  break  up  his  communications  ;  to  destroy 
his  provision-trains,  and  means  of  sustenance  ;  but  always  to  retire 
from  open  battle,  and  to  meet  the  enemy  only  at  the  crossings  of  the 
rivers. 

(No.  9.)  The  Militia  must  be  organized  so  that  they  may  be 
ready  at  any  time  within  three  days  ;  and  each  district  is  to  have 
its  own  place  of  meeting,  and  its  own  officers. 

From  the  Militia  fNo.  14 J  must  be  raised  the  volunteers  and 
recruits  for  the  Regular  Army. 

All  these  measures  were  adopted.  The  militia  system  was  at  first 
somewhat  ridiculed  by  the   military  men — but  the  result  showed 


HUNGARY    IN    1851  3S7 

that  such  an  irregular  corps  was  of  the  utmost  value  for  annoying 
the  enemy,  and  for  furnishing  a  source  from  which  the  regular  troops 
could  be  drawn. 

It  has,  beside,  founded  an  organization,  which  will  be  very  efficient 
in  any  future  outbreak  in  Hungary. 

Beside  the  difficulties  which  Kossuth  intended  to  meet  by  these 
measures,  was  the  universal  want  of  arms,  uniforms,  and  the  whole 
materiel  of  war.  To  remedy  this,  he  at  once  established  cloth  fac- 
tories within  the  countiy,  and  ordered  uniforms  in  the  great  factories 
of  Briinn  andBieliz.  At  his  proposition,  the  Parliament  commanded 
a  great  machine  factory  in  Pesth,  to  be  changed  into  a  manufactory 
of  arms,  and  to  be  managed  by  tli"  Government.  Orders  were 
sent  likewise  to  Belgium  and  England.  He  presented  also  a  plan 
for  an  immense  cannon  foundry,  as  the  cannon  in  the  arsenals  were 
found  unfit  for  field-service.  This  too,  was,  after  a  little  time 
adopted. 

The  result  of  all  this  showed  Kossuth's  business  talent,  and  his 
knowledge  of  the  national  character.  The  ranks  were  filled  faster 
than  arms  could  be  supplied,  and  the  war,  Avhen  commenced,  ex- 
hibited to  the  eyes  of  astonished  Europe,  a  military  organization  in 
Hungary  as  efficient  as  the  Prussian;  and  an  armed  and  spirited 
force  equaling  the  disposable  force  of  the  greatest  Powers  of  Eu- 
rope. 

There  are  few,  I  think,  in  this  country,  aware  of  tin1  immense, 
wide-spread  system  which  Kossuth,  thus,  almost  by  himself,  erected 
in  a  year,  to  cope  with  the  power  of  Austria.  Be  has,  ;(  is  true, 
the  genius  and  ideality  of  a  master-orator,  the  enthusiasm  and 
heroism  of  a  noble  mind,  but  perhaps  ^til!  longer  than  these  traits 
arc  remembered,  it  will  be  recorded  of  him  in  history  that,  almost 
in  a  day,  with  practical,  thorough  talent,  a  f»in  I    many  difficulties, 


388  LOYALTY. 

he  organized,  equipped,  and  armed  a  whole  nation  for  a  gigantic 
struggle. 

During  all  this  course  of  his  administration,  the  separation  be- 
tween the  two  countries,  from  various  causes,  was  increasing.  At 
length,  in  September,  after  the  cold  reception  by  the  Emperor  of  a 
Deputation  from  the  Hungarian  Parliament,  and  his  refusal  to  sanc- 
tion the  Recruit  Law  and  Bank  Law,  there  was  a  general  feeling 
that  reconciliation  was  impossible. 

The  cry  through  the  streets  of  Pesth  was  "  We  need  no  King  I" 
"  Kossuth  for  Dictator  !"  At  hearing  it,  Kossuth  stepped  out  on 
the  balcony  of  his  house,  and  thus  addressed  the  people :  "  Citizens  ! 
Hear  my  words.  My  whole  being  belongs  to  my  country  and 
to  my  beloved  people  ;  but  to  my  King  will  I  remain  unshakingly 
true.  Trust  to  me;  we  will  save  our  country,  we  will  save  our 
Kins' ',  we  will  save  our  wives  and  our  children  !"* 

The  Parliament,  in  a  session  soon  following  this,  despatched  an 
rspecial  Deputation  to  the  Palatine,  requesting  him  to  nominate 
Kossuth  "  Prime  Minister."  He  had  already  nominated  Count 
Louis  Batthyanyi.  Kossuth  was  one  of  the  first  to  give  his  support 
to  the  future  Minister. 

It  appears  certain,  that  at  this  time  Kossuth  was  by  no  means 
determined  utterly  to  break  with  Austria.  Like  the  leaders  in  our 
Revolution,  he  held  on  long-  to  the  lanoma<ve,  and  doubtless,  the  sen- 
timent  of  loyalty.  To  an  ideal,  noble  mind,  it  is  always  hard 
entirely  to  separate  from  the  Past. 

The  first  really  revolutionary  measure  which  he  proposed,  was  the 
formation  of  a  "  Committee  of  Defence,"  to  act  somewhat  apart 
from  the  Ministry,  who  had  almost  lost  the  confidence  of  the  nation. 
The  Parliament  accepted  it  (Sept.  23d),  and  chose  the  members  for 

*  Dr.  Shutte's  Ur.garn. 


HUNGARY     IN    1851.  -  389 

the  Committee.  As  Kossuth  was  so  incessantly  occupied  in  other 
matters,  Paul  Nya/ri  was  appointed  the  President. 

During  the  few  months  following  this,  as  the  war  thickened  on 
every  side,  the  old  ministry  gradually  dissolved  itself,  the  Parlia- 
ment separated,  and  the  whole  government  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  "  Committee  of  Defence,"  of  which  Kossuth  had  already  been 
chosen  President. 

When  the  Parliament  met  again  in  December,  a  new  Ministry 
was  formed,  of  which  Kossuth  was  now  appointed  chief. 

From  this  time,  to  the  end  of  the  war,  he  appears  not  merely  as 
the  agitator,  but  the  organizer  of  the  whole  struggle. 

From  Debreczin,  as  before  from  Pesth,  he  managed  his  wide- 
spread machinery  through  the  country.  The  manufactories  of  arms 
were  transferred  to  Gros  Wardein ;  new  powder  factories  were 
erected,  and  the  old  recruiting  kept  up,  even  where  the  Austrians  held 
possession.  A  great  system  of  couriers  was  established,  too,  to  con- 
vey at  once  to  every  part,  information  of  the  movements  of  the 
enemy. 

The  principal  hindrance,  however,  undoubtedly,  to  all  his  move- 
ments, and  to  his  influence  over  the  armies,  was  the  fact,  that  he 
was  not  a  General. 

It  was  unfortunate,  too,  perhaps,  that  Kossuth  was  not  an  ultra 
man,  siding  neither  with  the  radical  Szemere,*  on  the  one  hand, 
nor  the  legitimists,  Nyari  and  Gorgey,  on  the  other.  Batthyauyi 
also,  and  his  clique  were  jealous  of  him  ;  and  from  what  I  heard  in 

*  Schlesinger  in  his  "History  of  the  War,  vol.  ii.,  p.  84,"  says,  that 
"  people  were  so  convinced  of  his  (Szemere's)  hostility  to  Kossuth,  in  De- 
breczin, that  some  even  talked  of  a  secret  understanding  between  Gorgey 
and  Szemere.  Perczel,  in  particular,  is  said  to  have  repeatedly  alluded  to 
this." 


390  INDEPENDENCE. 

Hungary,  I  should  think  they  always  regarded  him  as  the  "low- 
horn"  agitator  suddenly  invested  with  power,  and  to  be  thrown 
aside  when  no  longer  useful.  Much  for  instance,  as  the  liberal 
nobility  of  England  would  regard  Cobden,  if  a  Revolution  should 
suddenly  place  him  at  the  head  of  affairs.  All  this  of  course  pro- 
duced division. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1849,  Kossuth  was  chosen  unanimously 
by  the  Parliament  Governor  of  Hungary,  with  the  power  of  select- 
ing his  own  Ministry.  Some  of  the  compeers  of  Kossuth  have 
objected  to  him,  that  he  was  not  a  keen  disceraer  of  charac- 
ter. It  does  not  appear,  however,  from  his  choice  on  this 
occasion,  that  he  failed  in  his  selection.  Szemere,  Casimir  Batthy- 
anyi,  Horvath,  Csanyi,  Vukowic,  and  Duschek,  all  able  men ;  and, 
'with  the  exception  of  Duschek,  proving  true  to  their  cause. 

On  the  same  day,  Kossuth  had  laid  before  the  Parliament  a 
"  Declaration  of  Independence  for  Hungary,"  setting  forth  the 
causes  of  sejjaration,  and  leaving  the  form  of  government  to  be 
settled  afterwards  by  the  Parliament.  In  the  meantime,  the  country 
was  to  be  governed  as  before,  by  this  Ministry,  responsible  to  the 
National  Assembly. 

The  Hungarian  armies  were  now  victorious ;  Gorgey  was  in  full 
march  towards  Vienna  ;  the  country  seemed  secure,  so  that  all  felt 
ready  for  declaring — what  in  fact  really  existed — a  complete  Inde- 
pendence of  Austria. 

The  Lower  House  passed  a  resolution  appointing  a  committee  of 
three,  of  which  Kossuth  was  one,  to  prepare  the  formal  documents, 
declaring  the  deposition  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg  and  the  inde- 
pendence of  Hungary.  The  Upper  House  accepted  the  resolution 
unanimously. 

Within  a  month  from   this  time,  occurred  that   unfortunate  mis- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  391 

take — the  assault  of  Ofen,  which  changed  the  whole  appearance  of 
the  campaign  ;  and  within  two  months  the  Russians  were  in  full 
march  into  Hungary. 

Kossuth's  position  became  more  and  more  difficult.  A  civil  gov- 
ernor placed  over  military  men,  always  has  an  exceedingly  arduous 
task. 

In  addition  here,  the  generals  were  not  only  jealous  of  him,  but 
jealous  of  one  another. 

Kossuth's  plan  to  meet,  the  Russian  invasion — and  it  seems  a  judi- 
cious one — was  to  concentrate  all  the  armies,  either  on  the  Upper 
Danube,  or  within  the  Theiss,  and  thus  act  out  from  a  centre  on  the 
various  bodies  of  the  enemy. 

Perczel,  however,  was  unwilling  to  give  up  his  conquests  on  the 
Lower  Theiss ;  and  Vetter  could  not  leave  the  people  of  the  Banat, 
to  the  savage  cruelty  of  the  Raizen,  and  Gorgey  refused  to  abandon 
the  country  of  the  Upper  Danube,  where  his  own  home  was ;  so 
that,  in  fact,  Hungary  was  defended  in  this  her  last  struggle,  by  a 
number  of  independent  generals,  each  acting  on  his  own  plan. 

Throughout  this  struggle,  and  since  the  defeat,  it  has  been 
painfully  apparent  that  the  leaders  of  Hungary  were  deficient,  in 
one  great  moral  power — the  readiness  to  yield  to  another  for  the  sake 
of  a  principle. 

While  they  were  under  the  control  of  the  people  this  defect  did 
no  injury.  But,  at  this  stage  of  the  war,  when  the  National  As- 
sembly had  lost  its  power,  the  mutual  jealousies  and  dissensions 
began  more  strongly  to  break  out. 

This  defect  is  not  peculiar  to  the  Hungarians.     Who  can  forget 

difficulties  of  Washington  with  some  of  his  Generals — or  run 

with  some  of  his  civil  associates   in  our  own   Revolution]     If,  still 

ler,  Wellington  had  merely  been  a  civil  Dictator,  or  the  Con- 


392  DIFFICULTIES. 

gress  had  had  no  power  over  the  army,  who  can  say  that  the  rela- 
tions between  the  civil  and  military  power  would  have  been  more 
amicable,  than  in  Hungary  ? 

Kossuth  had  for  some  time,  been  doubtful  of  the  faithfulness  of 
Gorgey — and  at  length,  on  the  28th  of  June, — as  I  have  related 
in  the  Chapter  upon  Gorgey,  sent  a  deputation  to  him,  announcing 
that  Mezsaros  was  appointed  commander-in-chief. 

The  only  effect  was,  that  Gorgey  after  this,  acted  entirely  sepa- 
rate from  the  Executive. 

The  last  session  of  the  Hungarian  Parliament  was  held  in  Szege- 
din,  July  21.  The  cause  was  all  falling  in  ruins  around  its  defend- 
ers, yet  here  again  came  forth  these  infernal  dissensions. 

Kossuth  feared  that  Gorgey  would  prove  a  traitor,  but  had  not 
power  enough  to  depose  him. 

The  Ministers,  Aulich  and  Csanyi,  were  in  favor  of  leaving  him 
in  his  place,  at  the  head  of  the  army.  The  others  were  neutral — 
and  Szemere  and  Perczel  alone  called  Gorgey,  publicly,  a 
"  traitor." 

There  were  endless  difficulties  too,  in  appointing  any  one  in  his 
place.  Kossuth  preferred  Bern,  but  his  appointment  would  offend 
Perczel  as  well  as  Gorgey,  as  he  was  a  foreigner.  Perczel  aimed  at 
the  place,  but  had  not  the  confidence  of  the  soldiers  equally  with 
Gorgey.  The  Parliament  discussed  the  question,  and,  though  not 
formally,  expressed,  by  a  large  majority,  their  preference  for  Gorgey 
as  Commander-in-Chief.  The  soldiers,  too,  were  devotedly  attached 
to  their  old  General ;  so  that  with  the  chance  that  Gorgey  might 
yet  prove  true,  Kossuth's  course  seemed  doubtful. 

A  stern,  iron  man,  like  Cromwell,  would  have  at  once  summoned 
Gorgey  before  a  Court  Martial,  and  ordered  him  to  be  shot.     But 


HUNGARY  .IN    1S51.  393 

this  was  not  Kossuth's  character.     Beside  the  attempt  might  have 
failed  aud  utterlv  ruined  the  Hungarian  Cause. 

'Hear  the  Szegedin  Journal  in  an  article  on  this  question  at  this 
time,  as  quoted  by  Dr.  Schutte. 

•'  The  war-measures,  let  Gorgey  guide.  Let  him  take  the  col- 
lected armies  of  Hungary,  and  be  here,  what  Bern  is  in  Siebenbur- 
gen,  but  under  necessary  control ;  under  future  responsibility.  The 
Hungarian  Army  has  learned  to  follow  him  to  victory  ;  the  enemy 
to  fear  him.  Three  times  has  he  already  saved  the  army  ;  and  the 
Honved  who  was  with  him  at  Isazeg  and  Szony,  fights  by  his  side, 
with  tenfold  power. 

In  the  name  of  the  God  of  the  Magyars,  and  in  the  face  of  the 
whole  country,  I  call  upon  the  Government,  that  it  make  the  propo- 
sition, and  that  the  National  Assembly  express  it.  The  ship  of  the 
civil  Government,  let  Kossuth  pilot  as  before,  and  with  the  same 
power.  In  the  leading  the  Hungarian  host,  let  there  be  unity,  and 
the  Commander-in-Chief  be  Gorget." 

The  difficulty  was  at  length  adjusted  by  the  Ministry  appointing 
Meszaros  and  Dembinski,  provisionally,  as  Commanders,  and  Aulich, 
Minister  of  War.  This  enraged  Perczel,  and  he  resigned  his  com- 
mand in  the  Middle  Theiss,  increasing,  of  course,  by  this  act,  the 
distrust  and  dissension,  spreading  everywhere. 

After  this,  came  the  last  disastrous  events  of  the  Hungarian  strug- 
gle ;  and,  at  length,  on  the  9th  of  August,  the  fatal  defeat  of  Temes- 
var;  in  which  7000  of  the  Hungarians  were  taken  prisoners,  and 
of  an  army  of  50,000,  only  9000  remained,  able  tc  take  the  field. 
The  rest  fled  over  the  country,  and  the  surviving  officers  find  gene- 
rals hastened  on  to  Arad,  where  were  the  remains  of  the  Hungarian 
Government.  Gorgey  arrived  there  the  same  day  (August  10th,) 
and  Aulich  from  Jeno,  announcing  that  he  could  offer  no  opposition 
17* 


394  THE    RESIGNATION. 

to  the  Russians,  and  that  in  two  days,  they  would  appear  in  force, 
before  Arad. 

It  was  a  time  of  fearful  confusion,  the  routed  soldiers  hurrying 
into  the  fortress  ;  the  defeated  Generals  and  the  Ministers,  meeting 
only  to  recriminate  one  another;  all  regular  authority  lost,  and 
each  seeing  that  the  Hungarian  Cause  was  in  its  last  hours. 

On  the  next  day  *(Aug.  11th)  a  Council  of  Ministers  was  held 
and  it  was  determined  to  dissolve  the  Government  and  invest 
Gorgey  with  full  powers  for  negotiating  a  peace.  It  seemed  the 
last  hope,  as  nothing  more  could  be  expected  from  the  Civil  power,  f 

Gorgey,  however,  refused  to  undertake  this,  unless  the  Commission 
giving  him  this  power,  should  also  contain  the  abdication  of  the 
Ministry  ;  as,  he  asserted,  the  enemy  would  not  treat  with  him, 
unless  he  were   possessed  of  unlimited   authority  in    the   matter. 

*Mad.  Pulsky's  Memoirs  of  a  Hungarian  lady,  p.  316—  Vukowic — Letter 
to  the  Daily  News,  Jan.  17— 1S52.— Dr.  Schiitte  and  Schleseinger. 

|  "And  in  the  last  monent,  three  Ministers  heside  bound  themselves  with 
him  (Gorgey)  — Csanyi,  "Vukovics,  and  Aulich — Their  letter  of  resignation 
they  accompanied  with  the  words,  that  there  were  no  other  means  left,  than 
to  treat  with  the  Russians.  Gorgey,  too,  urged  the  same  in  writing  to  me 
:  .  .  .  I  went  now  with  my  conscience  to  work — Should  I  not  consent  (to 
resign),  then  must  the  thought  always  press  my  name  in  history  and  my 
soul  in  life,  that  perhaps  Gorgey  could  have  preserved  something  to  the 
Fatherland  ;  yet  on  account  of  my  holding  fast  on  to  power,  he  would  not — 
Such  a  stain  I  could  not  hear,  on  my  memory — I  had  never  laid  the  slightest 
value  on  Power;  I  bore  it  always  against  my  will 

I  yielded  up  to  him  the  highest  power  with  the  declaration,  that  if  he 
should  ever  conclude  a  Treaty,  through  which  the  existence  of  the  country 
was  sacrificed  to  the  good  of  single-persons,  I  would  consider  it  as  treachery 
&c."— Kossuth's  Letter  to  the  diplomats  in  England  and  France— Widdin,  Sept. 
12,  1849.    (Leipsic,  1849.) 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  39.-, 

Another,  apparently  informal  Council  was  held  at  tae  house  of 
Csanyi,  in  which  the  Ministry  sent  in  their  formal  resignation  to  the 
Governor.  Duschek,  Szemere,  Batthyanyi  were  not  present — the 
two  latter  being  at  a  distance  from  the  city.  Kossuth  then  si 
an  abdication  in  favor  of  Gorgey ;  and  sent  it  to  them  also  for  their 
signature,  accompanying  it — says  Vukovic — with  certain  conditions, 
as  that  Gorgey  must  preserve  the  Independence  and  Nationality  of 
Hungary.     The  following  is  Kossuth's  Proclamation  to  the  Nation. 

"After  the  unsuccessful  battles,  with  which  heaven  has,  in  these  last 
few  days,  visited  the  Nation,  there  is  no  hope  more,  that  we  can 
continue  the  struggle,  with  any  prospect  of  success,  against  the  two 
Great  Powers,  Russia  and  Austria. 

As  in  such  circumstances,  the  preservation  of  the  life  of  the  Nation 
and  the  guarantee  of  its  Future  is  alone  to  be  expected  from  the 
Commanders,  at  the  head  of  the  army;  and  as,  according  to  the 
pure  conviction  of  my  soul,  the  farther  continuance  of  the  present 
Government,  would  be  not  only  useless  but  also  injurious  (SchadlicK) 
to  the  Nation,  I  make  it  hereby  known  to  the  Nation,  that  T,  im- 
pelled by  that  pure  patriotic  feeling,  with  which  I  have  devoted  all 
my  steps  and  my  whole  life  to  my  country  alone,  retire  in  mv  name 
and  the  name  of  the  Ministry,  from  the  Government;  and  until  the 
time,  when  the  Nation,  suitably  to  its  authority,  shall  provide,  I 
invest  General  Arthur  Gorffey  with  the  highest  military  and  civil 
power  of  Government. 

I  expect  from  him,  and  I  make  him  responsible  therefor,  to  the 
Nation  and  to  History,  that  lie  employ  this  Power,  according  to  the 
best  of  his  ability,  to  the  preservation  of  the  National  life  of  our  poor 
Fatherland,  to  its  good  and  to  the  security  of  its  Future. 

May  he  so  love  his  Fatherland,  withoul  Belfishness,  as  I  have  loved 


TITLE    OF    GOVERNOR. 

it ;  and  may  he,  in  the  securing  the  success  of  the  Nation,  be  more 
fortunate  than  I. 

With  deed,  can  I  no  more  serve  my  country ;  if  my  death  can  in 
any  way  be  useful  to  it,  I  will  with  joy  bring  my  life  as  the  sacri- 
fice. 

The  God  of  Justice  and  Mercy  be  with  the  Nation ! 

LOUIS  KOSSUTH,  Governor. 
Arad  Fortress,  Aug.  11,  1849. 

Countersigned,  Vukovic***Csanyi***Horvath. 

The  whole  was  not  done  certainly  with  the  full  legal  forms.  All 
the  Ministry  had  not  been  present.  The  Parliament  had  not  been 
consulted  ;  and  it  may  be  doubted,  whether  Kossuth  had  the  right, 
technically  speaking,  to  resign  his  powers  into  the  hands  of  another. 

But  the  truth  was,  it  was  no  time  for  legalities. "  The  Russians 
were  in  rapid  march  upon  them — the  Parliament  had  been  scattered 
to  the  four  winds — the  Ministry  had  in  fact,  for  a  long  time  been  a 
Dictatorship,  and,  in  such  an  emergency,  might — the  majority  of 
them — bestow  their  powers  upon  another,  without  much  im- 
propriety. 

On  the  question  of  Kossuth's  right  to  the  title  of  "  Governor," 
after  he  had  thus  resigned  the  office,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  waste 
words.  There  is  no  "  State"  now  to  be  governed,  and  no  Adminis* 
tration  of  which  he  could  be  the  Governor.  In  the  truest  sense  of 
the  words,  he  is  the  Leader— Governor  of  Hungary — The  People 
hold  him  such  now.  Then-  hearts  have  elected  him.  And,  as  he 
gave  up  his  office  to  another,  on  conditions  which  were  never 
observed,  why  may  he  not  legally  claim  the  place  which  morally  ho 
holds,  of  Governor  of  Independent  Hungary  ? 

The  only  point  after  all,  of  importance,  connected  with  it,  is,  Did 


HUNGARY    IN    1851  397 

Kossuth  show  any  want  of  heroism  in  thus  giving  up  his  office  at 
this  emergency  ? 

In  Hungary,  I  have  never  heard  any  reproach  against  him  for 
this  act,  but  lately  writings  have  appeared  from  some  of  Kossuth's 
old  associates,  which  render  a  comment  desirable. 

Of  course,  with  all  respect  for  the  character  of  these  gentlemen, 
due  allowance  must  be  made  by  every  one  in  estimating  their 
opinions.  They  have  altogether  failed  in  a  great  Enterprise,  and 
it  is  the  unconquerable  tendencj7  of  every  man,  in  such  circumstances, 
to  get  the  blame  off  from  his  own  shoulders. 

The  old  jealousies  and  dissensions  too,  as  is  natural  with  proud 
men,  are  only  stronger  in  their  misfortune.  And  especially  does 
that  feeling — of  whose  power  we  in  America  can  form  no  idea — the 
old  pride  of  class,  work  upon  them  now. 

That  the  "  low-bom"  Kossuth  should  get  all  the  honor  of  the 
struggle — and  the  proud  old  noble  be  overlooked,  is  intolerable. 

Our  own  opinions  can  be  formed  best  from  the  facts. 

When  this  Resignation  was  made,  the  Russian  army  on  one  side, 
numbering  from  80  to  90,000  men,  was  rapidly  advancing  on 
Arad ;  the  victorious  Austrian  forces  on  the  other,  with  75,000 
men,  were  approaching  from  Temesvar.  The  only  two  roads  of 
escape  into  Transylvania,  and  thus  into  Turkey,  were  in  the  hands 
of  the  Russians  ;  the  one  through  Dewa  to  Hermannstadt,  occupied 
by  Luder,  with  20,000  men,  and  the  other  through  Klausenburg. 
by  Grothenhelm,  with  15,000. 

Again  on  the  South,  the  Ban,  witb  a  large,  though  not  very  for- 
midable arm}-,  was  hastening  towards  the  scene  of  contest.  The 
whole  of  these  allied  forces  numbered  nearly  200,000  men. 

Against  them,  since  the  late  disasters,  the  Hungarians  could 
oppose-only    Gorgey's   corps  of  24,000;  Vecaey'a  of  7,000,  mar 


398  FINAL    DIFFICULTIES. 

Lugos ;  Kmety's  of  2,500  ;  Lazar's  of  5,000,  and  Bern's  of  8,000— 
iu  all  only  50,000  men,  scattered  abroad  in  various  districts,  and 
dispirited  by  defeat.* 

There  may  have  been  other  corps,  but  these  were  the  only  avail- 
able,— from  the  army  of  130,000  men  which  they  had  a  few 
months  before.  Of  the  fortresses,  only  four  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  Hungarians ;  Arad,  with  a  weakened  garrison ;  Munkacz  with 
a  garrison  of  450  men ;  Peterwardein  with  8,000,  and  Komorn 
with  20,000.  These  were  widely  separated  from  one  another,  and 
Komorn  lay  on  the  very  opposite  side  of  Hungary.  In  modern 
warfare,  too.  fortresses  are  of  very  little  account,  when  the  enemy 
has  possession  of  the  heart  of  the  country.  Napoleon  occupied  all 
Prussia,  with  Magdeburg  still  in  his  rear. 

With  dissensions  in  the  Ministry ;  with  armies  devotedly  attached 
to  their  General ;  deprived  himself  of  all  the  machinery  of  Govern- 
ment— the  Bank-presses  and  money,  and  even  the  means  of  print- 
ing his  own  proclamations  :  seeing  a  falling  Cause  around  him,  what 
more  rational  course  could  there  be  for  a  civil  Governor,  than  to  give 
up  everything  then  to  the  military  Leader.  It  was  too  late  for 
Kossuth  to  do  anything.  Gorgey  could  possibly  make  terms  with 
the  conquerors.  It  seems  to  me,  not  unheroic  or  unmanly,  that  in 
such  an  emergency,  he  trusted  all  to  Gorgey,  with  the  desperate 
hope  he  might  yet  save  the  remains  of  their  armies.f 

As  I  consider  this  administration  of  Kossuth,  I  cannot  doubt  that 
it  will,  with  posterity,  place  him  in  the  highest  rank  as  a  Statesman. 

Such  a  talent  for  organization  and  finance,  has  not  been  exhibited 
in  these  modern  times,  unless  perhaps  by  Hamilton. 

*  Dr.  Schiitte. 

f  I  see  Boldenyl,  a  candid  French  historian,  takes  the  same  view  of  Kos- 
suth's motives  in  this  act — La  Hongrie,  p.  237.     Paris,  1851. 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  399 

It  is  evident  from  the  whole  history,  that  Kossuth  had  not  the 
unrelenting,  tremendous  force  of  a  Cromwell  or  Napoleon ;  or  the 
iron  will  of  a  Jackson.  But  he  has  shown  qualities,  which  in  the 
view  of  an  enlightened  age,  will  peculiarly  fit  him  to  he  the  Gover- 
nor of  a  civilized  and  Christian  people. 

He  has  shown  that  a  man  could  be  a  military  Dictator,  without 
staining  his  hands,  either  in  the  blood  of  his  rivals  or  of  his  friends. 
In  the  midst  of  Turmoil  and  War,  he  has  presented  an  administra- 
tion of  mildness,  mercy,  and  calm  judgment.  He  has  proved  that 
he  could  obey,  where  the  People  decided  he  should  not  lead  ;  and 
that  he  was  willing  to  give  up  everything  of  personal  rank,  if  thereby 
he  might  aid  his  country.  And  finally  more  than  any  statesman 
of  history,  he  has  manifested  throughout  an  unshaken  Trust  in  the 
feelings  and  instincts  of  the  masses,  confiding  in  them  and  legislat- 
ing for  them. 

He  is  not,  it  is  true,  the  Ideal  Leader  of  past  history,  the  pitiless, 
iron-willed  man.  But  is  he  not  the  "  Governor,"  whom  a  higher 
civilization  shall  honor — the  governor  for  a  Democratic  and  Chris- 
tian State. 


CHAPTEE  XLin. 

The  Deliverance  of  Hungary. 

It  may  be  interesting  at  this  time,  when  so  much  new  attention 
is  drawn  to  Hungarian  matters,  to  give  my  impressions  of  a  subject 
likely  soon  to  become  practical  to  the  public,  the  chances  of  Hun- 
gary in  another  struggle.  As  I  am  probably  the  first  foreign 
traveller  who  has  mingled  much  with  the  people  since  the  Revolu- 
tion, it  is  hoped  the  opinions  and  facts  presented  here,  may  be  of 
value. 

The  first  thing  to  be  considered  in  weighing  carefully  the  chances 
of  another  Revolution,  is — will  the  whole  nation  be  united  ? 

The  jealousies  of  Croat  towards  Magyar,  the  antipathy  of  Slavo- 
nian for  Hungarian,  and  of  Wallach  to  all,  in  the  last  war,  greatly 
checked  and  hampered  all  the  operations  of  the  defending  array. 
There  were  forces  enough  wasted  in  the  guerilla  warfare  with  the 
Croats  and  Raizen,  who,  in  a  most  singular  manner,  had  been  de- 
ceived and  stimulated  by  the  agents  of  Government,  against  the 
Hungarian  Ministry,  to  have  held  the  whole  army  of  the  Russians 
at  bay.  There  was  no  great  danger,  to  be  sure,  from  these  enemies  ; 
yet  the  mere  fear  of  them  kept  large  bodies  of  soldiers  always  posted 


HUNGARY    IN     1801.  401 

in  the  southern  part  of  Hungary ;  and  these  petty  conflicts  exhausted 
the  resources  of  the  richest  district  of  the  country.  Then  again  in 
Siebenburgen — the  only  part  of  Hungary  where  there  was  any 
peasant-war — the  TVallach  peasants  had  been  extremely  excited  by 
the  priests  and  officers  of  Government  against  their  old  Protestant 
landlords.  Although  Bern's  campaign  in  this  province  was  perhaps 
the  most  glorious  in  the  war,  it  would  have  been  more  completely 
successful  if  the  peasants  had  been  with  him.  They  hung  upon 
his  march,  and  in  various  ways  hampered  his  more  important  move- 
ments. Again,  if  the  various  "  Nationalities"  had  been  more  com- 
pletely in.  harmony,  and  if  the  peasants  had  been  everywhere  favor- 
able to  the  cause,  a  much  better  plan  of  the  campaign  might  have 
been  formed.  The  Hungarians  could  have  made  their  base  the 
mountains  of  Siebenburgen,  and  the  marshy,  difficult  country  near 
the  Lower  Danube,  where  they  could  have  fought  every  step  of 
ground,  as  the  Spaniards  did,  through  their  mountains  against 
Napoleon.  A  few  months'  delay,  too,  would  have  saved  them,  as 
no  foreign  army  could  at  all  eudure  the  Theiss  fevers,  as  they  call 
them,  which  come  on  usually  in  September  and  October,  and  are  a 
terrible  scourge  on  the  low-lands  to  strangers.  As  it  was,  with  foes 
on  eveiy  side,  they  were  forced  to  make  their  centre  and  base  the 
open  Hungarian  plain,  which  it  was  not  easy  to  defend  against  supe- 
rior numbers. 

Beside  these  elements  of  disunion,  there  was  the  coldness  of  the 
"  Old  Conservative  Party"  and  of  the  "  Magnates,"  to  cramp  the  full 
efforts  of  the  Natiun. 

Would  all  these  diverse  parties  and  races  join  in  another  effort 
for  Independence  ? 

T  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  after  careful  observation  and  intercourse 
with  every  class  of  society,  that  a  well-supported  movement  would 


402  PEOPLE  UNITED 

cany  with  it  every  class,  and  race,  and  party  upon  the  Hungarian 
soil. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  utter  and  almost  unparalelled 
stupidity  of  the  administration  of  the  Austrians  since  the  Revolution, 
over  the  races  of  Hungary.  All  that  prudent  statesmen  would  have 
gained,  they  have  lost.  The  affections  of  the  peasants — the  confi- 
dence of  the  moneyed  men — the  loyalty  of  the  once  faithful 
"  Nationalities" — the  attachment  of  the  "  Conservatives" — all  they 
have  let  go,  as  though  their  Empire  was  founded  on  the  most 
immovable  basis.  They  have  appeared  to  revel  in  the  pride  of  then- 
victory.  It  seemed  as  if  they  were  determined  to  contrive  every 
measure  so  as  most  to  gall  and  offend  the  quick  National  pride. 
.No  conciliatory  measures ;  not  a  show  of  forbearance  or  generosity, 
such  as  would  have  wiped  away,  with  minds  like  the  Hungarians, 
centuries  of  wrong — all  cold,  harsh,  humiliating  oppression.  They 
had  forgotten  that  the  Grand  Austrian  Empire  rests  on  a  foundation 
of  sand,  and  they  have  trodden  the  conquered  under  them,  as 
though  Affection  and  Loyalty,  and  the  like,  had  no  relation  to  a 
power  such  as  theirs.  Who  can  doubt  that  all  these  classes  would 
combine,  heart  and  hand,  with  the  Hungarians,  in  any  rational 
attempt  for  Freedom.  '  In  fact,  I  heard  the  most  constant  hints  of 
this  everywhere.  Every  rank  and  nationality  felt  its  degradation, 
I  was  assured,  and  I  have  had  it  confirmed  by  correspondence  in 
Government  journals,  that  the  various  tribes  were  on  the  very  verge 
of  revolt.  The  Wallachs  had  found  that  the  emissaries  of  Govern- 
ment had  cheated  them  in  every  way,  and  both  they  and  th« 
Croats  were  becoming  more  and  more  united  with  the  Magyars  in 
their  common  misfortunes. 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  fact  of  the  Census,  as  showing  this 
change  of  sentiments  among  the  Wallachs.     This  is  still  farther  con- 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  -103 

firmed  by  the  indignant  remaiks  of  Chonawctz — the  latest  statis- 
tician on  the  part  of  the  Government — against  "  the  fickleness  of 
the  Wallachs  in  their  political  sympathies."* 

For  myself,  I  have  not  the  remotest  doubt,  nor  do  I  believe,  has 
any  reflecting  man  in  Hungary,  that  at  any  revolt,  promising  a  fair 
success,  every  class  and  nationality  of  the  land,  would  rise,  as  one 
man. 

Though  travelling  through  the  country  for  other  objects,  I  could 
not  but  notice  one  fact,  which  was  exceedingly  cheering,  as  affecting 
the  chances  of  a  future  struggle — and  this  was — the  large  number 
of  young,  able-bodied  men  in  the  villages.  I  remember,  in  journey- 
ing through  Holstein,  at  the  time  of  the  war,  I  was  most  painfully 
struck  with  the  want  of  young  men  in  the  towns  and  villages.  I 
had  expected  to  find  a  similar  appearance  in  Hungary.  But  it  was 
not  at  all  the  case.  The  villages  which  I  visited,  had  sent  out  the 
largest  and  most  valiant  corps  of  the  Hungarian  army.  Yet  I  was 
surprised,  often,  at  the  crowded  aspect  of  them — at  the  numbers  of 
vigorous,  fine-looking  men,  everywhere.  Nor  does  the  interior  of 
the  country  at  all  show  the  desolating  effects  of  the  war,  as  the 
borders  do.  Those  desolate,  wasted  scenes,  which  one  sees  in  the 
villages  along  the  Upper  Danube,  or  in  the  mountains  of  Sieben- 
biirgen,  do  not  appear  at  all  on  the  Great  Plain,  within  the  Theiss, 
where  are  the  heart  and  sinew  of  the  Hungarian  race. 

I  often  inquired  of  my  friends  about  this  unexpected  appearance 
i  >f  the  land.  They  replied,  and  I  have  no  doubt  correctly,  that  the 
countiy  is  exceedingly  populous,  and  from  the  healthy  habits  of  the 
people,  more  than  usually  filled  "with  able-bodied  men  ;  and  that  it 
has  happened  here,  as  very  often  in  war,  that  the  bravest  soldiers 
have  escaped  the  best.  This  was  confirmed  to  me,  ah.  n\ aid,  by 
*  Handbiich  zur  Keimtniss  Ungarns. — P.  143. 


404  ACQUAINTANCES. 

my  experience  in  a  village  of  the  Haiducks.  These  peasants  had 
equipped  several  co7ys  at  their  own  expense,  and  their  soldiers  were 
notoriously  the  most  fearless — yes,  the  most  venturously  brave — in 
the  whole  Hungarian  army  ;  but,  as  they  informed  me,  scarcely  any 
of  the  families  of  the  village  had  especially  suffered  from  the  two 
years'  war. 

However  it  may  be  explained,  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  fact,  often 
asserted  to  me  by  the  Hungarians,  that,  employing  their  old  efficient 
military  organization,  an  army  of  300,000  vigorous  men  could  be 
raised  in  a  few  days,  from  the  whole  people,  to  fight  for  Hungary. 

Then  it  should  be  further  remembered,  that  150,000  Honveds — 
tried  Hungarian  soldiers — are  distributed  through  the  Austrian 
ranks,  the  bravest  soldiers  of  the  "  Imperial  Ai-my."  Any  one  who 
knows  anything  of  the  Hungarian  character,  would  not  hesitate  a 
moment  in  saying  that  in  another  general  up-rising  for  Hungarian 
independence,  with  Kossuth's  name  heading  it,  every  man  of  these 
would  desert  to  the  ranks  of  his  countrymen.  The  last  thing,  after 
years  of  exile  and  suffering,  which  the  Hungarian  will  forget — the 
List  feeling  which  will  thrill  his  heart,  however  new  and  happy  are 
his  circumstances,  will  be  his  love  for  his  dear,  sorrowful,  broken 
Hungary. 

My  hope  for  the  Future  of  the  Nation,  rests  much  in  this  most 
wonderful  attachment  of  almost  every  man  for  his  country. 

Besides  the  general  vigorous  appearance  of  the  population,  I  was 
much  impressed  with  the  spirit  everywhere  shown. 

I  had  thought  I  should  see  among  the  people  a  state  of  feeling  like 
what  I  had  observed  in  many  parts  of  Germany — a  depression — a 
hopelessness — a  cowardly  resignation,  as  if  Injustice  and  Force  had 
triumphed,  and  there  was  no  hope  ever  again  of  their  defeat. 

But  there  was  little  of  this ;  men   were  sad,   it  is  true ;  they 


HUNGARY   IN     18  400 

mourned  for -what  no  future  victory  could  ever  r*  them  ;  they 

felt  the  bitterness  of  their  disgrace  and  degradation — but  there  was 
no  Despair.  "  God  could  not  let  such  a  fearful  wrong  be  consum- 
mated '."  they  often  said  ;  and  it  was  evident  they  were  certain  within 
themselves,  that  all  future  year?  of  grinding  oppression  could  not 
destroy  their  "  longing  unspeakable"  for  Freedom.  No  man  looked 
forward  to  peaceful  years.  There  was  the  dark  anticipation  with  all, 
that  these  next  few  years  would  witness  a  most  fearful  struggle  in 
Hungary.  But,  I  think,  there  was,  with  most,  the  Btern  and  manly 
determination  to  meet  it ;  to  die  in  it,  if  necessary  ;  but  never,  while 
there  was  a  shadow  of  hope,  to  give  up  one  inch  to  the  advance  of 

Tyranny. 

Let  no  one  expect  anything  for  Hungary  from  conspiracies.     The 

character  of  the  people  is  too  open  and  honorable  for  such  move- 
ments. They  never  could  keep  a  secret  in  the  most  dangerous 
political  times  of  their  history,  and  the  Austrians  would  outwit  them 
at  once  in  any  secret  intrigues.  The  danger  which  Austria  has  to 
fear,  is  from  one  of  these  sudden  outbursts  of  passion,  which  no 
government  can  anticipate  or  control.  They  will  goad  on  the  gal- 
lant nation  until  it  turns  upon  them,  almost  in  the  fury  of  man 

The  world  has  witnessed  terrible  contests  for  lust,  or  revenge,  or 
freedom,  but  they  will  be  as  nothing  to  that  struggle,  when  at  length 
Hungary  rises  to  be  free.  A  Nation  of  strong  men,  embittered  and 
maddened  by  years  of  insult,  and  oppression,  and  degradation,  will 
be  fighting  in  despair.  There  will  be  no  hope  and  no  escape— m.  t<  y 
will  not  be  thought  of.  I  know  the  people,  and  T  am  sure  that 
there  is  hardly  a  man  on  the  Hungarian  plain,  from  the  clergyman 
of  the  village  to  the  lowest  peasant  of  the  prairie,  who  will  not 
grasp  scythe  or  sword  for  this  last  contest  It  will  be  the  final 
effort— the  last  struggle  of  a  Nation  for  life. 


406  OBSTACLES. 

Tn  the  event  of  any  such  outbreak,  nothing  is  to  be  feared  from 
the  Austrian  soldiers,  within  the  country.  They  are  few  in  number 
compared  with  the  multitudes  around  them,  and  except  in  Gros 
Wardein,  and  that  neighborhood,  quite  as  disaffected  often,  as  the 
people  themselves. 

The  two  great  difficulties'  will  be,  first,  in  the  want  of  arms,  and 
secondly,  in  the  interference  of  the  Russians.  If  it  were  not  for 
these  two  dangers,  there  could  hardly  be  a  doubt  of  the  result.  If 
Hungary  could  receive  foreign  assistance,  either  from  America  or 
England,  there  would  be  little  trouble  from  the  want  of  arms.  A 
small  squadron  landing  at  Fiume  could  supply  the  whole  people 
with  arms  in  an  incredibly  short  space  of  time,  and  with  a  year  or 
two  of  opportunity,  they  would  manufacture  all  which  would  be 
hereafter  required,  as  was  the  case  in  1848  and  1849. 

For  the  intervention  of  Russia,  nothing  would  be  of  use  except 
the  direct  interference  of  England  and  America.  And  even  that 
might  be  found  of  no  avail.  But  careful  men  are  of  opinion  that 
if  Austria  could  be  threatened  on  any  other  side,  as  for  instance,  by 
Democratic  insurrections  in  Italy,  Hungary  could  defend  herself, 
even  now,  against  them  both.  With  the  Nation  united  as  it  is  now, 
without  treachery  in  her  councils,  and  under  the  tremendous  energy 
of  despair,  what  might  not  be  accomplished  ? 

In  view  of  these  various  considerations,  and  from  a  knowledge 
of  the  present  condition  of  the  people,  I  say  with  the  utmost  confi- 
dence, there  is  every  reason  to  hope  for  Hungary's  deliverance. 

And  to  you,  Hungarian  Exiles,  in  whatever  part  of  the  world 
these  words  may  reach  you,  I  say,  do  not  despair  of  your  country  ! 
Our  common  experience  under  a  crushing  oppression  and  the  kind- 
ness which  I  have  received  at  the  hands  of  your  countrymen,  em- 
bolden  me  to  speak  freely  to  you.     Your  brethren  at  home,  in  this 


HUNGARY    IN    1851.  407 

their  hour  of  darkness  and  bitterness,  warn  you,  through  me,  in 
your  new  cares  and  your  strange  occupations  not  to  forget  your 
Fatherland. 

"  Tell  them"  they  have  often  said  to  me,  "  that  we  never  forget 
them  ;  that  we  wait  for  them  here  /" 

Hungarians!  your  cause  has  only  gained  ground  in  its  defeat 
Your  manly  hearing  in  your  misfortunes  has  won  the  regard  of  men 
who  knew  nothing  of  your  wrongs.  The  researches  of  every  can- 
did observer  have  only  convinced  the  world  that  you  undt-rstood 
and  struggled  for  the  highest  rights  of  freemen.  The  words  of 
your  Leader  and  Statesman  are  giving  lessons  in  political  justice,  and 
inspiring  the  most  exalted  sentiments  of  liberty  to  the  freest  nations 
of  the  earth. 

Your  cause  has  never  stood  better.  Austria  is  hopelessly  bank- 
rupt. The  whole  empire,  Bohemia,  Austrian  Italy,  yes,  Vienna 
itself  trembles  with  the  surges  of  revolution  below.  Your  People 
are  united,  as  they  never  have  been  in  your  past  history — peasant 
and  noble,  Slavonian  and  Magyar.  All  is  ready  for  the  great,  final 
blow.  It  is  your  duty  to  be  in  readiness.  Another  year  may  s. o 
the  grand  struggle  open  on  the  plains  of  the  Theiss  and  the  Dan- 
ube. Everything  promises  success  from  every  side.  But  more,  than 
from  all  these  sources — I  say  it  without  irreverence  or  cant — arc 
you  and  every  lover  of  Freedom  to  take  comfort  from  the  truth, 
that  above  these  wrongs  and  oppressions,  there  is  a  God,  loving 
justice. 

Let  us  not  despair,  under  Him,  of  Hungary's  deliverance. 


APPENDIX. 


A. 

I  subjoin  an  abstract  of  a  Petition  from  the  Hungarian  Protestant  Clergy- 
men to  the  Emperor,  which  was  given  me  in  manuscript. 
'•  .Most  Gracious  Emperor: 

:'  When  the  heart  is  full,  the  mouth  pours  over.  Our  spirit  is  full  of 
anxiety,  our  breast  is  full,  of  woe,  our  heart  of  bitterness,  and  therefore  our 
mouth  can  utter  only  painful  complaints.  Still  we  pour  forth  our  complaints 
before  your  Majesty  with  calmness,  for  we  believe  it  is  Go<l  who  has  placed 
your  Majesty  at  the  head  of  affairs,  as  there  :  is  no  authority  except  from 
God  ;'  we  pour  them  forth  with  confidence,  believing  that  at  our  cry  of  dis- 
tress an  impulse  of  compassion  will  arouse  itself  in  your  Majesty's  youth- 
ful, feeling  breast,  and  that  your  heart  will  be  inclined  to  fatherly  sentiments 
t..waid  the  suffering.     *     #     * 

"  We  ask  not  for  material  goods  for  ourselves.  As  members  of  the  king- 
dom of  Christ,  which  is  not  of  this  world,  and  as  its  called  leaders,  and  its 
entrusted  workmen,  we  long  after  spiritual  good — after  spiritual  freedom  — 
after  a  free  Confession  of  Faith,  in  whose  enjoyment  we  feel  ourselves  aavt 
much  limited — >es,  even  therefrom  excluded  1»\ 

The  Petition  proceeds  then  to  mention  t.i vasion  ol    this  complaint  in 

the  edict  of  Baron  Haynau — points  to  the  presumption  of  it,  as  it  th<-  Church 
lfi 


110  APPENDIX. 

itself,  alter  an  experience  of  three  hundred  years,  did  not  know  how  to  re- 
lieve itself  in  its  "mournful  condition" — then  answers  the  hint  of  the  Baron 
that  the  Church  has  been  involved  in  these  revolutionary  movements.  It 
shows,  first  from  the  reports  of  the  Church-councils,  then  from  the  resolu- 
tions which  were  published,  and  from  the  general  opinion  through  the  laud, 
that  those  Councils  had  never  interfered  in  any  way  whatever  in  political 
matters.  The  petitioners  then  urge  that  individuals,  even  the  highest  officers 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  have  been  equally  implicated,  and  yet  that  no  pre- 
text is  thereby  made  of  attacking  the  whole  body 

"But,"  they  further  continue,  "when  we  consider  the  nature  of  the 
Church  Constitution  established  in  February,  we  must  be  afflicted  with 
fears.  For  the  Reformation  was  especially  brought  about  by  this  at  first, 
that,  the  faithful  wished  to  be  free  from  the  oppressions  of  the  hierarchy. 
Since  then  has  the  Evangelical  Church  ever  carefully  watched  that  the  con- 
nection between  the  so-called  worldly  and  spiritual  should  be  carefully 
maintained,  and  that  they  should  mutually  in  the  administration,  hold  the 
balance  to  one  another."  They  proceed  ihen  to  show,  how  the  edict  com- 
pletely does  away  with  this  balancing  of  influences,  and  leaves  all  in  the 
hands  of  the  clergy.  "And  again,"  they  urge,  "another  ground  of  the  Re- 
formation was  the  endeavor  to  modify  the  system  of  the  prelacy,  and  to 
restrain  the  power  of  the  bishops.  But,  on  the  contrary,  the  Constitution  of 
February  leaves  it  in  the  power  of  the  Superintendents  to  choose  reliable 
men  who  would  work,  not  as  the  deputies  of  the  congregations,  but  as  inter- 
preters of  the  principles  and  executors  of  the  will  of  the  Superintendents. 
By  which  it  would  result,  that  on  the  fragments  of  our  Presbyterial  Consti- 
tution, there  would  be  erected,  according  to  the  principles  and  mode  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  the  throne  of  prelatical power P 

"One  article  of  our  Church-Constitution  established  by  the  laws  of  the 
land,  declares  that  'the  t.earkers  of  the  parishes  shall,  according  to  the  laws 
of  the  Church,  be  summoned  and  chosen  by  the  parish,  or  by  persons  whom 
the  parish  shall  appoint  for  this  purpose/  In  contradiction  to  this,  the  de- 
cree of  February  entrusts  the  Seniors  of  the  parishes  with  the  filling  of  the 
unoccupied  places,  even  as  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  the  nomination  ot 
the  clergy  is  wont  to  come  from  above." 

They  urge  farther,  that  the  extreme  difficulties  thrown  around  the  holding 


APPENDIX.  411 

of  their  Councils,  the  limitations  imposed  on  all  their  meetings,  and  the 
censorship  to  which  they  are  exposed  would  exceedingly  abridge,  yes,  even 
destroy  the  practical  benevolence  which  they  had  been  able  previously  to 
promote  by  their  mutual  assistance.  All  that  they  had  been  able  to  do  pre- 
viously for  "'  the  enlivening  of  the  religious  feeling,  for  the  furthering 
morals,  for  the  cherishing  the  schools  and  learning,  for  the  support  ol  healthy 
oljects  of  civil  administration,  for  the  soothing  the  trouble  of  the  disappointed, 
would  be  almost  entirely  prevented  by  these  regulations." 

Again  they  complain,  that  their  schools  are  threatened  with  ruin,  as  Govern- 
ment without  their  influence,  without  order  or  economy,  is  now  forming 
them.  They  urge  that  th  y  have  never  asked  for  the  assistance  of  Govern- 
ment, and  always  refused  it,  when  offered— and  that  now,  when  the  people 
and  country  are  beggared  by  the  war,  to  force  expensive  arrangements  upon 
them,  which  they  must  accept,  or  deliver  up  their  schools,  is  exceedingly 
unjust.  "The  independent  existence  of  our  schools.''  they  ad  I,  ':  is  a  ques- 
tion of  life  and  death,  for  our  Confession.  The  schools  are  the  main  sitpjx>rts 
and  the  light  of  Protestantism,  and  yet  here  are  they  all  threatened  with  sud- 
den ruin."' 

They  urge  further,  the  repeated  guarantees  which  the  Protestant  church 
has  received,  through  pa.-t  times,  and  even  those  lately  made,  in  the  Consti- 
tution of  Austria,  in  L848 —guarantees  of  the  freed  >m  and  independence  of 
their  Constitution,  not  lawfully  to  be  broken  dow  i, 

••  And.''  they  continue,  ''add  to  this,  ihat  we  can  see  no  sufficient  reason, 
why  all  this  must  so  happen,  because  of  a  "state  <  i  9icge ;'  for  faith  and  the 
soul  cannot  be  in  subjection  to  the  armed  power.  The  principles  of  faith, 
and  the  inner  conviction  ran  neither  be  commanded  by  force,  nor  he  forbid- 
den, nor  be  abolished. 

-  Christ  and  his  kingdom  cannot  be  placed  in  a  state  of  siege.     At  this  point, 
we  repeat,  with  full  assent,  the  golden  words  of  Maxamilian  II.  the  an. 
of  your  majesty.     '  To  rah  ore,-  the  conscience,  means  to  take  tht  K  n  ■  torn  of 
Heaven.  I>y  violence!'' 

•We  find  no  consolation  in  the  assurance  that  this  ib  oa\y  provisionally 
established,  for  the  eternal  principles  of  the  gospel  cannot,  even  for  a  time, 
be  made  a  dead  letter."         *         * 

They  then  presenl  their  requests,  formally  to  the  Emperoi      "Pirsl    WB 


412  APPEXDIX. 

entreat  that  your  majesty  would  recall  the  edict  of  February — for  we  say, 
with  conscientious  frankness. — in  as  much  as  flattery  and  deception  are  not 
consistent  with  the  respect  due  to  your  majesty,  nor  suitable  to  our  charac- 
ter—thai we  consider  this  decree  as  an  axe  laid  at  the  root  of  Protestantism — as 
an  ordinance  wounding  our  principles  of  faith  and  doing  violence  to  our  con- 
science—and that  so  long  as  it  is  continued  in  operation  we  must  tremble 
lest  the  life's  vigor  of  our  Church  be  dried  up,  and  it  fall  into  powerlessness 
— and  our  whole  Church  life  return  back  to  the  times  before  the  Refor- 
mation." 

They  ask,  secondly  for  the  restoration  of  their  Synods  and  assemblies,  and 
for  the  restoration  of  that  Presbyterian  form,  which  they  believe  necessary 
for  the  life  of  the  Church,  and  derived  directly  from  the  apostolical  institu- 
tions—and they  add,  that  they  attach  to  them  the  same  importance  as  "  the 
celebrated  Reformer  John  Knox,  who  has  said,  'It  is  the  same  thing,  whether 
you  take  from  us  the  freedom  of  our  assemblies,  or  the  Gospel  itself!"  ' 

"  The  members  of  our  body,"  they  farther  say,  "  hold  on  to  the  right  of 
self-government,  as  a  ccndilion  of  life  itself! 

They  entreat  still  farther,  that  the  same  privileges  be  granted  them  as  to 
the  Catholic  church— observing,  that  this  church  has  been  put  under  no 
"  martial  law"  in  Hungary,  hut,  through  its  deputies,  the  Bishops,  can  hold 
councils,  pass  ordinances,  and  even  carry  out   measures   for  the   injury  of  the 

Protestant  body. 

They  beg,  too,  that  their  schools,  so  long  sustained,  and  at  such  immense 
sacrifices,  may  not  he  at  once  thus  taken  from  them,  or  degraded  to  mere 
private  institutions,  by  which  their  young  men  will  be  compelled  to  abandon 
all  public  life,  or  to  attend  the  Catholic  institutions  of  learning.  They 
allude  to  the  universal  poverty,  now,  of  both  corporations  and  individuals 
through  the  land,  and  entreat  the  government  not  to  impose  such  severe 
conditions  upon  them,— conditions  which  in  their  present  distress,  involve 
the  utter  ruin  of  the  Protestant  schools.  Finally,  they  ask  if  any  great 
changes  are  to  be  made  in  the  Church,  that  the  men  of  the  government  and 
the  deputies  of  the  Church  might  communicate  with  one  another.  "For 
those  whom  one  in  the  name  of  the  Church  places  over  its  administration, 
without  observing  that  weighty  principle  of  the  Evangelical  Church— that 
vnhj  he  can  work  for  the  Church  and  in  its  name,  who  is  empowered  and  entrusted 


APPl'.XDIX. 


4i: 


thereto  by  the  Church — these  will  find  that  they  can  not  labor  advantageously 
to  the  Church,  nor  with  the  necessary  impression-  Far  all  their  orders  w  ill 
only  be  forced  upon  the  people,  and  will  be  executed  with  ill-will,  without 
joyfulness  or  life — and  more  than  this,  will  bear  within  them  the  seeds  of 
powerlessness  and  incapability  of  life."         *        * 

••  To  his  most  gracious  Majesty,  from  the  Assembly  for  consultation  of 
obedient  subjects,,  summoned  by  the  Superintendents  of  the  Helvetic  Con- 
fession on  the  Danube  '• 

Pesth,  May  Hth,  1851. 


B. 


Statistics  of  Population  in   Hungary. 

I.  Dr.  Schutte's  Ongabn — IS 


Magyars, 

Slovaoks,  (about.) 

Cr<  ats, 

Ruthenen, 

Raizen  and  Schokazen, 

Wallachs, 

Germans, 

Smaller  tribes  (about) . 


5,278,66.1 
2,000,000 
1,000,000  ! 


600,000 
1,400,000 

2.90V- 
1,377,484 

.1(1(1.0(10 


}■  About  0.000.00O 


The  whole  about  1 5,000  000 

As  the  latest  statistics,  these  are  not  so  minutely  accurate,  though  correct 
in  general. 


II.  Fenyks— 1842. 


Magyars, 
Slovacks, 
Germans, 
Wallachs, 
(  'i'iats, 


1,81 

1,681 

1,273,677 

B8< 


414 


APPENDIX. 

Raizen,         ......               828,365 

Shokzen,        .             .             . 

429,868 

Winden,         .             .             , 

40,864 

Ruthenerii 

442,903 

Bulgarians,    . 

12,000 

French,          .             .             < 

6,150 

Greeks  and  Zinzars,               , 

5,680 

Armenians,    . 

3,798 

Montenegriner, 

2,830 

Clementiner,              .            . 

1,600 

Jews, 

244.035 

The  whole 

12,880,406 

Fenyes  is  a  Hungarian — and  the  most  reliable  statistician,  who  has  ever 
written  on  Hu  ngary — though  his  estimates  are  not  the  latest. 


III.   Haeuntler — Austrian  Statistician- 


Magyars, 

Slavonians,    . 

Germans, 

Wallachs,     . 

Szeklers, 

Jews  and  smaller  tribes, 

The  whole 


4,605,670 
4,905,760 
1,421,500 
2,317,349 
250,000 
372.000 

13,876,170 


IV.  Chonawez — Another  writer  for  the  Austrian  Government  (Hand- 
buck  nber  Ungarn — 1851)  makes  the  whole  population  12,990,158.  How- 
ever, his  statistics  are  manifestly  copied  from  those  of  Fenyes,  making  a 
very  slight  allowance  for  the  nine  years  intervening. 


Statistics  of    Different   Sects — Fenyes — 1842. 


Roman  Catholic, 
Greek  Catholic, 


6,130,188 
1,322,344 


APPF.XKIX 


415 


Protestants. 
Augsburg  Confession, 
Helvetic  Confession, 
Unitarians, 
Greeks  not  united, 
Jews, 

Statistics    or   Races,  as  div 
Croats, 
Ruthenen, 
Wallachs, 


Magyars. 
Slovacks, 
Germans, 


ided    by  Sects — (Dr 
Roman  Catholics. 
Greek  Catholics. 
Greeks  non-united  (mostly.) 
5.12  Catholic. 
5-8         » 
4-5         » 


6,210 
1,846544 

2^83,505 
244,035 

Sohuttk— 1850.) 


Serbs,  Raizen,  &c.  2-3  Non- united  Greek 

Statistics  in  regard  to  the  Jf.ws,  in    Htngary 

17851  75,000 

1805  f 


7-12  Protestant. 

3-8         » 

1-5         " 

1-3  Roman  Catholic. 


1834 
1S37 
1842 
1848 


130.0(10 

246.000 

254,000 

340,252  (Fenyes.) 

392,000      (I.ate  statistics.) 


Showing  an  increase  in  sixty-five  years,  of  more  than  five  hundred  per 
cent. —  (Dr.  Schutte.) 


c. 

Statistics  of  Trade. 

(Ungarn,  in  seinen  neusten  Verhiiltnissen — Pesth,  1851.) 
Exports  from  Hungary  in  1831,  to  Austria,  in  value,  40,455,000  florins. 

About         "  920l23'] 

In  1847, "II. 

Orabout     "  735, 


Imports  from  Austria  in  1847, 

• 

57,470,800  fl 

Or  about     "               $28,735,400 

Exports  to  foreign  countries  in  1847,          .         .         .              9,767,954  fl 

Or                "                 $4,833,978 

Imports  from          "                       "               ...            16,771,950  fl 

Or                "                 $8,385,975 

Exports  fi  om  Hungary  In  Jlustn 

a,  in  value —  ( 1 8  1 7 .) 

Wool, 

$8,376,880 

Hides, 

721,460 

Hemp, 

209,980 

Rags,    ..... 

160,107 

Feathers, 

1 60,075 

Wheat. 

2,801,934 

Oats, 

580,943 

Oxsn, 

1.995,560 

Hogs, 

1.969,430 

Sheep,              . 

336,163 

Horses.              .... 

254,125 

Useful  Metals, 

1,601,074 

Tobacco. 

1,337,760 

Imports  of  Manufactures   (in  vc 

lue)  fro 

mi  Austria. 

Cotton  Goods.  ....  $9,723,000 


Woollen     '" 

Linen  and  hempen  manufactures, 

Iron  and  steel  wares, 

Yarn, 

Silk  Goods, 

Leather, 


3,684,695 
2,004,253 
1,906,476 
1 .707,333 
1,422,300 
511,207 


Sum,  $21,442,771 

In  these  estimates,  I  have  reckoned  the  Florin  roughly  at  fifty  cents, 
though  it  is  nominally  forty-eight  cents,  and  at  present  not  worth  more  than 
forty  cents. 


APPENDIX. 

Productions  per  annum- 

-.  A  i  r 

Wheat,         .... 

.     .'70,000  Metze. 

Rye, 

18,545,000      " 

Barley, 

-'1.880,000       «* 

Oats, 

28,984,000      " 

Indian  Corn 

15,556,000      w 

Tobacco, 

i,000  cwt 

Hay, 

50,000,000    " 

Straw, 

10,000    " 

Wool. 

t. 000    ■' 

Silk  Cocoon; 

'■> 

4,712    " 

Wine, 

. 

26,500,000  Eimer 

n  Eimer  holdii 

g  about 

twelve 

gallons. 

417 


Railroads. 
Several  lines — all  in  the  possession  of  government.     From  Marchegg  along 
the  Danube  to  Pesth  and  Szolnok,  43^  German  miles,  or  roughly  215  English 
miles.     Cost,  $10,506,106. 


D. 

Institutions  for  Education  in   I  In  injury. 

1  University — (under  governmental  charge) — Pesth. 

3  Royal  Academies — Pressburg,  Gross  Wardiin,  Kaschau. 

1  Royal  Mountain  Academy — Schemniz. 

1  Economical  Institute — Mtenburg. 

1  Industrial  School,  united  with  a  Geometrical  Institute — Pesth. 

The  Lyceums  and  08  Gymnasia  are  entirely  new  formed. 

In  the  State  Gymnasium,  at  Pressburg,  the  language  enforced  is  German, 
and  thus  in  general  through  the  land,  except  where  th<-  majority  of  the 
scholars  only  know  Hungarian. 

*Tln>  .)A/.r.'  is  about  1J  busbeU,  '<r  1,7406, 


418 


APPENDIX'. 


10  Gymnasia  are  closid. 

1  Gymnasium  for  Greek  Catholics  at  Bel'emjH. 

5  Normal  Schools  (tor  teachers)  of  Catholics,  Pesth,  Raab,  G.  Wardein,  &c. 
J  Of  the  United Greeks — Arad. 

3  Lutheran  Prot.  Colleges — Pressburgh,  Oedenbwg,  K'smark. 

4  ,:         Gymnasia — Eperies,  Modern^  &c. 

11  "     small  Gymnasia — Sz.  Miirton,  Raab,  ike. 

4  Reformed  Prot.  Colleges — Debreczin,  Kecskemet,  Papa,  and  Savospata/c. 
11         "  Gymnasia — Szigeth,  Komorn,  &c. 

72  Seminaries  for  Greek  ami  Roman  Catholic  Priests. 
14  Educational  houses     "  "  "  " 

10  Nunneries. 

2  Seminaries  for  girls. 
18  Music  Schools. 

20  Drawing  Schools. 

2  Deaf  and  Dumb  Institutions — Wenzeit,  Pressburg. 

2  Institutions  for  the  Blind — Pressburg,  Pesth. 
The  income   from  the  Roman  Catholic  fund  in  Hungary,  in   184.5,  was 
$265,912. 


Minerals  and   Precious  Metals  of  Hungary. 
Annual  amount  obtained. 


Gold, 

2,231 

marks 

Sdver, 

68,890 

Copper,     . 

34,452 

ewt.. 

Iron  Ore, 

269,997 

is 

Cast-iron, 

35,312 

" 

Lead, 

4,178 

u 

Cobalt,      . 

789 

i. 

Antimony, 

5,350 

i< 

Rock  Salt, 

713,850 

11 

Salt  from  Springs, 

112,900 

It 

Alum, 

11,534 

II 

Coal, 

282,800 

u 

Sval 


tie  $1,037,173  per  annum. 
$689,040  " 


31.250,000 


APPENDIX 
Precious  St< 


•119 


The  most  valuable,  the  Opal—  besides  the  Ruby,  Topaz,  Ameth)  st,  Jasper, 
Agate.  &c. 

Clays.— Potters  clay  ;   porcelain  earth  ;  slate  ami  mica-slate. 

Calcareous  formations  —  Lime-stones  —  Marble  (in  great  varieties,  the 
Krassoer  white  marble,  equal  to  the  Carrara,  says  Chonawez.)  Chalk,  Gyp- 
sum and  Alabaster. 

Besides  Asbestus,  Fuller's  earth  and  Sulphur  are  found  in  abundance. 
(Chonawez,  1851.) 


Do.mk.stiu  Animal*. 


Horses, 

Oxen, 

Cows, 

Sheep, 

Hogs, 


1,000,000 

i.  100,000 

1,860,000 

17,000,000 

■J.i  ioo.OOO 


Manufactories. 

Of  these  there  are  reckoned  to  be  000  in  Hungary — 

Of  pottery,  earthenware  and  porcelain,  at  Herend,  Glassware — Hrinyova, 

Old  and  New  Antonsdorf,  &c. 
Ironware — Pohorella,  Diosgyor,  &c. 
J'a)>i-r — //•  rumnez.  kc. 
Colors — Pressbu  >'/»'■ 
Cloth — Gacs,  Papa,  kc. 
Sugar— (Refining)  Path,   Pressbwg,   and    Oedenburg,  and   9   Beet-sugai 

manufactories, 
Champagne.  Tallow.  Candles,  Soap,  Soda,  Potash,  Saltpetre,  Machine-fcc- 

tories.  al  Old  O/cn.  Perth.  J&runkdct,  &c. 


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